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Subject: [India Thinkers Net]Countercurrents updates ,war of independence etc - April28, 2007




[1]

From: syed rahman <surahman2000@yahoo.com>
Date: Sat Apr 28, 2007  
Subject: Recounting untold history: The First War of India's Independence

http://www.khabrein.info/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=342&Itemid=1

Recounting untold history: The First War of India's
Independence

By M. Burhanuddin Qasmi

The First War of India's Independence of 1857 also
known as the Sepoy Mutiny was a prolonged period of
armed uprisings in different parts of India against
British occupation. Small precursors of brewing
discontent, as was the plan, involving incidences of
arson in cantonment areas began to manifest themselves
in January 1857. Later, a large-scale rebellion broke
out in May that year and turned into what must be
called a full-fledged war of independence in the
country. This war brought about the end of the British
East India Company's rule in India, and led to fidgety
direct rule by the British government (British Raj) of
much of the Indian subcontinent for the next 90 years.


Read full story
http://www.khabrein.info/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=342&Itemid=1


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[2]

From: Pradip Kumar Datta <pradip200@yahoo.com>
Date: Sat Apr 28, 2007
Subject: Nandigram–a lesson learnt — Anubhav Dutta  

Nandigram–a lesson  learnt
— Anubhav  Dutta
The incidents at Nandigram should be an eye opener not only to the leftists but to the other moderate Indian polity also, who are committed to usher in an era of development in the midst of inherent contradictions of a pluralistic society having diversive political ideologies and thoughts. Moreover it indicates about the complicated rural economy of West Bengal like the rest of the country and how even land reforms could not resolve all the problems besetting the rural economy with population explosion. The situation in Nandigram is yet to normalise with incidents of sporadic violence and group clashes between rival groups polarising under the banners of rival political parties. Worse still is that these warring factions belong to the ‘have nots’, a class which matters for the leftists preaching the path of a people’s democratic revolution.

The long left ruled State had innumerable problems in the rural sector when the Leftists came to power some 30 years ago. The State government took the initiative in making land reforms in the State, which enabled many landless peasants to own land and cultivate for a better livelihood by dispensing dependence on landlord in absentia. With all the limitations of a State government functioning under the ambit of a system of centralisation of power at New Delhi, particularly in the matter of allotment of plan money necessary for ensuring overall development, the State government endeavoured to sustain the rural infrastructural development to the possible limit in the midst of fund paucity. Therefore rural Bengal started to flourish in the process and the State emerged as a leading producer of rice, vegetables, fruits, fish and horticultural products in the country. But despite such a turn around in the agricultural sector the rural economy of Bengal could not liberate itself completely from the clutch of unemployment, poverty and myriads of other problems. To cite an instance, the State has a huge work force employed in agriculture and man- arable land ratio grew higher with the passage of time. Now the families holding their own land as a fruit of land reforms have found their cultivable land too small to engage all the family members in agricultural production in a productive way.

In the wake of a growing challenge posed to agriculture in the new economic regime, the peasants owning marginal area could hardly go for massive mechanisation or commercialisation of agriculture for the obvious reason of unviability. Therefore agriculture has become simply a means of livelihood and not lucrative enough like other ventures. Moreover, sharecropers are also there in rural West Bengal apart from a massive force of agricultural labourers who have little alternative than working in agriculture for survival at present. Naturally an acquisition of agricultural land for industries is likely to bring uncertainties to many such people falling under ‘have nots’ category. Any compensation paid to the landowners could benefit directly the beneficiary only but not these people whose livelihood is intricately linked with agricultural land. In such a complicated situation faced by rural Bengal, the State government has little alternative than to go for rapid industrialisation, which alone could tide over the present crisis, created by unemployment as a whole. Naturally it necessitates investment flow to West Bengal and paucity of Central fund has compelled the government to accord red carpet welcome to private investors also.

The Marxists despite being the vocal opponent of the new economic regime for the obvious reason in accordance with their ideology, had to accept the same in West Bengal as a reality. They opposed the commercialisation of education, health service and other essential services that mater for common man. But a State government could hardly mobilise its own finance to ensure such services to the people without central assistance and by ignoring the principle of macro economic policies of the Central government. Particularly in the existing system of over dependence on Central fund any practice of its own policy and plan has become an impossible proposition for them. At times the State government has been forced to secure finance from ADB or World Bank to develop its infrastructural services even by accepting conditionalities imposed by fund provider, which go against their accepted policy. Such helplessness of the State government reinforced by the emergent need for industrialisation has forced them to welcome special economic zone in the State despite their political opposition to a few anti-people and anti-labour clauses incorporated in the relevant Special Economic Zone (SEZ) Act.

Prior to enactment of the Act WB Government launched its industrialisation drive, which could attract the Tata groups to set a car industry in Singur. Controversy arose in Singur also when the matter of land acquisition came. At the time also the political detractors of Left Front government made an attempt to stir the hornet’s nest of discontent among the peasants likely to lose their agricultural land. Yet it couldn’t succeed despite a persistent effort because adequate compensation was given to such land owners apart from announcing a comprehensive rehabilitation package to the people employed in agricultural production. It became possible because of the joint endeavour of the private investor and the government. Secondly, the victims of land acquisition, particularly belonging to share croppers and labour category were quite happy with the deal more beneficial for them than the present occupation. Thus the controversy automatically subsided. But the case of Nandigram was quite a different one. The locality is predominated by ‘have nots’ having affiliation to the anti-Left forces with lesser degree of Left influence on them. The ultra Left forces besieged Nandigram and declared it as a liberated zone. The other political forces with an eye on the saddle of power at Kolkata joined hands and a back ground for major political offensive to destabilise the government emerged in the process. The fact that despite a categorical statement by WB government that no land would be acquised at Nandigram, the have-nots of Nandigram did not relent itself indicates the level of incitation fuelled by the combined force consisting of ultra Left and political opportunist in Nandigram. Yet the Left Front government of WB with long standing administrative experience and political acumen miserably failed to tackle the situation in Nandigram as per the expectation of its admirers. Firstly their intelligence-gathering wing failed to project the ground reality of Nandigram to the government. Secondly the government could not fathom the depth of the political conspiracy hatched by the anti-Left forces and therefore the government could not take preemptive measures to defuse the spark before it creates an inferno.

All said and done Nandigram would limp back to normalcy in course of time. But the basic challenge posed to the Leftists would stay if a strategy is not evolved to tackle it in a befitting manner. The have-nots of Nandigram are distinctly divided today into two rival camps because of the mistrust against the Leftists caused by political propaganda. Therefore, their hearts are to be won over and the mistrust is to be dispelled by a proper publicity of the government’s policies on industrial development and agriculture. An objective analysis as to how the people would be benefited by industrialisation is needed. Moreover a parallel drive to improve the economic viability of the agricultural sector in the midst of challenges posed by globalisation too has become necessary because new industries have limitation in the matter of absorbing the growing unemployed forces produced by rural Bengal to the satisfaction of the people.

Needless to mention that even in Left ruled West Bengal also class crystallisation in rural sector is yet to emerge distinctly nor class-consciousness has arisen adequately. In such a situation group clashes between tow groups of have-nots belonging to two rival political parties have become inevitable. Here the Left parties have a crucial role to play. In contrast in an industralised society, class crystallisation becomes more prominent to the advantage of the Leftists.

In the wake of such a challenge posed to the Leftists in the matter of application of the principle of Marxism, probably the best possible path has been choosen by the Leftist government of West Bengal for the time being by keeping in mind the overall balance of the society. But in order to achieve a milestone in the long path of social change, they preach, the responsibilities of the party have increased manifold. It is high time for the Leftists to make all out efforts now for which their cadres, sympathisers will have to be geared up accordingly. It is felt that ideological struggle has become very relevant in the new economic order.


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[3]

From: Abhiyya 2006 <abhiyya@yahoo.com>
Date: Sat Apr 28, 2007
Subject: Dollar Declines to All-Time Low Against Euro as Economy Slows


"The dollar has fallen 16 percent against the euro since the European currency's 1999 launch. The dollar has declined 20 percent versus the pound, 36 percent against the Australian currency, 40 percent versus the New Zealand currency and 38 percent against its Canadian counterpart over the same period."



   Dollar Declines to All-Time Low Against Euro as Economy Slows

   By Min Zeng and Bo Nielsen
 
   http://www.bloomberg.com/apps/news?pid=20601085&sid=a06DhKN_FV2Q&refer=europe



With Regards

Abi

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[4]

In The Trenches Of The New Cold War
By M K Bhadrakumar

http://www.countercurrents.org/bhadrakumar280407.htm

The missile-defense controversy has gone beyond a mere Russian-US spat. It is assuming three distinct templates. First, profound issues of arms control have arisen, and along with that the role of nuclear weapons in security policies gets pronounced. Most certainly, the controversy relates to the United States' trans-Atlantic leadership in the post-Cold War era. And, finally, quintessentially, it is all about the United States' global dominance, of which the unfolding Great Game in the Eurasian theaters forms the salience

Aliens Everywhere By K A Shaji

http://www.countercurrents.org/shaji280407.htm

Half a million Tamil repatriates whose forefathers had been uprooted from the native land to work in Sri Lankan tea plantations around two hundred years back find that they are Indians only in name

Madhany: Victim Of State Terror By B. F Firos

http://www.countercurrents.org/firos280407.htm

This is the story of Abdul Nasar Madhany, a man who continues to be hunted like a hardcore criminal by a ruthless system. And the mainstream media continues its criminal silence









<< April28, 2007 - [India Thinkers Net]Nagaland appeal ,Raigad ,BCS,Nandigram etc April29, 2007 - [India Thinkers Net] Reply to Regi on AIT ,Nandigram >>
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