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Subject: [India Thinkers Net]RACIALISM HAS NO PLACE IN SHINING INDIA - March31, 2004



The Times of India
March 31, 2004

CITIZEN SONIA: RACIALISM HAS NO PLACE IN SHINING INDIA
By Shiv Visvanathan

Shining India is now a fact of life. But as it
shines across middle class, diasporic culture,
claiming that opportunity has found a new
geography, one must look at its shadows. One
major issue is the debate around foreigners,
especially whether we can have someone of foreign
origin as leader of our country. Packaged as an
election issue, it hides more fundamental
problems of citizenship, hospitality and history.
Let us begin with three events. Recently, when
Varun Gandhi joined the BJP he stated clearly
that he was not going to attack his aunt Sonia
Gandhi. She, with equal civility, replied that
she wished her nephew the best. It was a
beautiful event ???¤" civil, courteous and utterly
correct. Its ritual beauty was broken in the next
few days with Varun Gandhi's idiot joke that he
would rather be a leader than a reader. Poetical
merit apart, it had all the makings of a BJP gag.

On the 16th evening, BJP advertisements on TV
hailed the national movement of Gandhi and Patel
and asked whether this should pass to a
foreigner. If the BJP were merely saying that
Sonia doesn't deserve the legacy, it is
commenting on a dynastic problem; it is stating
that Sonia is part of a lesser epigoni, third
generation mediocrity of a great family. But,
when the BJP says she has no right to be a PM, it
is not merely being crude but raising issues of
history, prejudice and citizenship. What is the
foreigner's issue? Is it only the argument that
someone of foreign origin cannot lead the
country? Or is it a more racial argument that
someone "White" sticks in our throats? Or is it a
tactical ploy of the Sangmas and the Pawars when
they have run out of ideological steam and are
not feeling particularly bright?

There is also a semiotic issue here. Sonia
projects herself as the Bahu, as daughter-in-law,
as part of an Indian family. To the logic of the
nation state, she offers the framework of the
family. She might have been an outsider but she
has been ritually incorporated. Given her
loyalties and behaviour she must now be seen as
Indian and as family. In reply, the BJP claims
she is a foreigner. They portray her as an alien;
tacitly suggesting her very foreignness makes her
vamp-like and therefore, unredeemable.
Unconsciously, they even play on the foreignness
of the name without realising that Bollywood, the
great leveller, with its song You are my Sonia
has already indigenised and internalised that
name into the local imagination. You are my Sonia
could not be Advani's favourite song. But it does
show that local cinema can be more cosmopolitan
in style than BJP.

The BJP's idea of the foreigner reveals a
misreading of Indian history. It also marks the
difference between the openness of Indian
nationalism and the narrowness of the BJP's idea
of the nation state. Indian nationalism was not
just an act of liberation but an attempt to
rescue and redeem the British. In that lay its
cultural confidence. Simply and statistically no
other national movement was as open to foreigners
as ours was. Allan Octavian Hume was father of
the Indian National Congress. Annie Besant was
president of the Indian Congress. Are we going to
erase their names from history because they were
foreigners? Imagine if the foreigner's issue had
begun then? Think of the foreigners who gave to
India and Indianness and cosmopolitanism. Think
of Madeline Slade, Sister Nivedita, the
bio-logist Patrick Geddes, the botanist Albert
Howard. Think of the Theosophists. Are we going
to erase or rewrite history a la Stalin? Should
we turn them into non-persons because they were
foreign in origin? The idea of Shining India can
have no integrity if this is our attitude to the
foreigner.

What begins as a celebration, a feel-good
festival can actually become an obituary of a
parochial self? Beyond illiteracy of history,
there is the question of citizenship. It is
around citizenship, around the rituals of
inclusion and exclusion, that a democratic
imagination is built. The issue of citizenship
has to face the mobility of our populations. One
is not just talking of nomads and pastoral
groups, most middle-class Indians are migrants
now. What we do to Sonia at national level we
might do to our migrants at a local level. Are we
to express a diasporic confidence that Indians
are becoming senators in Canada and America and
yet maintain double registers for a reverse wave?
Would the BJP object to a citizen of Bangladeshi
or Sri Lankan origin becoming a future leader?

Beyond hospitality and the crucial question of
rights, it is the idea of India itself. India is
a clearing house, a composite, and a compost heap
of imaginations from the French and the Danish to
the Portuguese. Why not a dash of local Italian?
The alternative to this openness is a touch of
racialism. Are there seeds of race in the BJP
manifesto? If so, one has to conclude that BJP is
a party open to technology but not to people. One
has to admit its manifesto confuses legacy,
dynasty and citizenship. Finally, and most
disconcertingly, it violates the Indian rules of
hospitality to become officially racial. In that
sense it might be following the apartheid models
of Europe rather than the pluralism, hospitality
and openness we are proud of. The price for the
BJP's illiteracy of citizenship and history is
too high. Shining India cannot shine with rituals
of exclusion and impropriety.
-----------------------------------------
Courtesy:Harsh Kapoor/SACW
www.sacw.net






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