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[1] Indian Christian groups regret hanging of Christian in Pakistan despite clemency appeals PRESS STATEMENT New Delhi, 13 March 2008 The following is the text of the Statement by Dr John Dayal on behalf of the All; India Christian Council, the All India Catholic Union, United Christian Action and other civil society and faith groups: The Human Rights movement in the world must surely mourn the hanging of a Christian, Zahid Masih, on 12 March 2008 by the Pakistani regime at the end of trial widely criticized as violative of the principles of justice. Masih was hanged to death at 6 a. m. local time on Wednesday, March 12 after being convicted of killing a Muslim boy. Zahid Masih, who was in his 20s, was executed at the Central Jail in the city of Multan in Pakistan's Punjab province despite appeals for clemency. News reports said his frail mother and other relatives were seen crying inconsolably outside the jail when they received Masih's human remains, two hours after the execution took place. Pakistani and international rights groups have said it was an unfair trial. The defense team, church groups, and human rights organizations urged Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf and other authorities to grant him clemency. Masih's lawyer, Prince Rehan Iftikhar, said he had personally filed a mercy appeal. The lawyer has said that during court proceedings "Zahid Masih was not given any chance to defend himself", adding that "Pakistan's government has treated him like a dog. No one heard our voice for mercy." The hanging of the Christian youth comes even as the President of Pakistan, retired General Pervez Musharraf released an Indian citizen who had been condemned to death on charges of spying. Clemency is also shown to many others on death row in Pakistan's prisons. It is a matter of deep regret that Pakistan's governments, despite claims of the rule of law and justice continue to be extraordinarily harsh in prosecuting Christians, facing either charges of blasphemy under Islamabad's notorious anti Blasphemy laws, or other criminal charges. Under tremendous international pressure, including that by Indian Christian organisations such as the AICC and the AICU, the government in the past had reviewed the cases of other condemned prisoners. But in recent years, even as regime professes a commitment to democratic norms, the international human rights movements have seen a hardening of attitude in the authorities, both at the Federal government level as also in the provinces. This was also revealed by Pakistani delegates who attended the recent South Asian Minorities Council's Global meeting at Parliament House complex in New Delhi. We fully expect the United Nations Special Rapporteur for Freedom of Religious Beliefs now touring India, the UN Human Rights Council, and the Indian government to take up the matter of treatment of religious minorities - particularly the microscopic Christian community - by the regime in Islamabad. -------- [2] From: Mukul Dube <uthappam@gmail.com Date: Fri Mar 14, 2008 8:04 pm Subject: Re: [Fwd: [indiathinkersnet] Handling spam from N. Rustomfram] That is why I wrote "her address book". See below. MD womcentr@bom7.vsnl.net.in wrote: I think that it is not a 'he'; its a 'she' - N is for Nasreen, which is generally a woman's name I thought. I too got this message more than once; in fact, whenever I post into this list. Its puzzling. Someone should really get to the bottom of it at TISS. Ammu Abraham ----- Original Message ----- From: Mukul Dube <uthappam@gmail.com <mailto: uthappam%40gmail.com Date: Thursday, March 13, 2008 7:42 pm Subject: [Fwd: [indiathinkersnet] Handling spam from N. Rustomfram] To: extramural@tiss.edu <mailto: extramural%40tiss.edu Cc: indiathinkersnet@yahoogroups.com <mailto: indiathinkersnet%40yahoogroups. com Ms. Bhargavi Nair, Could you please persuade this Nasreen Rustomfram to clean up her address book? MD -- Mukul Dube D-504 Purvasha Anand Lok .. Mayur Vihar 1 .. Delhi 110091 +91 987 355 3167, (0) 11 - 2275 0240 uthappam@gmail.com .. payasam@ricmail.com -------- [3] From: Regi P George <george_regi@yahoo.com Date: Fri Mar 14, 2008 2:51 am Subject: The mindset of Kerala Minority towards Sangparivar Killings. The mindset of Kerala Minority towards Sangparivar Killings. Most of the Kerala minority groups, Media and supporters keep a very blind eye on each and every Sangparivar murder and join the chorus of tear shedding when a Sangparivar member killed in Kerala. This is a very surprising and the same time giving very good insight to how prey of Fascism responding to its henious act. People of Kerala is known for their higher literature rate and Left minded society. It is known as the heaven of Secular flora of India. Kerala is the state Sangparivar have the highest Sakhas (Branches) in numbers and well trained members to use weapons. Kerala is the place where educated Indian come and join Sangparivar campaign on the internet. Most of the Organiser and other Sangparivar outfits media are covered with Malayali writers. More than any other state Kerala is producing the highest number of writers for Sangparivar. And the same time it is the state of secular politics. Mathrubhumi Kerala's leading Malayalam News paper one time Mouth piece of CongressParty today having a Chief Editor with Sangparivar background. Doordarshan Kerala unit is still under the influence of Sangparivar only. Congress party have a State President with Sangparivar family affiliation. Kerala have a Pravasi Minister in UPA cabinet visiting RSS office with a request to vote for his party. Most of the Kerala based Media owned by Minority community did not utter a single word against Sangparivar murder in Kerala. Very recently in a College campus it beaten from back and murder a Police Inspector. Most of the Kerala based Media including the Minority owned did not condemn this incident but they wrote it happen because the ASI came in the mid of a Clash. Most of the Sangparivar murder in Kerala come in Minority religion and groups owned media in a very polished and simplified manner. Madhyamam News Paper which belongs to Jama-et-islami of Kerala wrote an editorial on recent Kannur Killings without using a single word to condemn the Sangparivar attacks and murder. It used the editorial column for a CPM Bash and to whitewash the congress leadership of Kerala which have some sort of involvement in the Sangparivar murder. Deepika the News Media belongs to Catholich Church never condemn any Sangparivar attacks happen in Kerala. This is not only happen when they kill communists but when they kill Christian Priests, attack Pastors and Nun also Catholic media keep this pro Sangparivar silence in Kerala. In last 15 months time 12 CPIM workers murdered in Kerala without any provocation (below to this article you can see the list of each and every person killed by Sangparivar in Kerala with in a short time span of 12 or 15 Months) Non of the Kerala media wrote an editorial or condemn this act of Sangparivar. But when one Sangparivar member will be attacked or get killed in Kerala most of the Kerala media give the news very high priority. One or the other way Kerala media is providing a support and trying to provoking for more murder. Almost all Sangparivar attacks in Kerala are named as political Clashes. How can a media belongs to Jama-et-Islami can whitewash Sangparivar murder same it condemning Modi and Gujrath incidents. How can a media belongs to Catholic church keep its eye and ear so closed against parivar murder? If you visit most of the internet groups belongs to Christian Churches and different muslim groups you can see a pro Sangparivar and anti communist campaign going on in the name of recent Sangparivar Murder. Non of these groups and people belongs to these minority groups not utter a single word against any sangparivar murder in Kerala. below to this email you can read one such email drafted by a muslim youth in one such pro muslim forum. If you visit some Church groups you can find very similar emails with communist bash. Kerala civil society have a very positive approach to Fascism this we have seen in the election happen every immediately after the Emergency implemented by Indira Gandhi. The less educated Indians from Bihar, UP and different other parts of the Country wake up against the attack on democracy and defeated Indira and her political movement in the election where as Kerala supported Indira Gandhi and voted back her and in the state people elected Congress party and its leaders. That time Indian Fascism had no anti minority bias and this may be the reason people of the educated and highly literate state support the Fascism. In Germany Hitler had a very good support from the Church until he turn around and start killing the Christians. But that time they don't had anybody to condemn because He killed the communists first. Modi too following the same strategy in India. PLEASE READ BELOW 1. THE LIST OF CPM WORKERS MURDERED IN KERALA FROM JUNE 2006 TO MARCH 2008 2. An email from a muslim youth Bashing the communists on recent Kannur Violance. Murders of CPI(M) Workers by BJP-RSS (Since LDF government took office ???‚¬??? June 2006 to March 2008) Year Date District Name of deceased 2006 June 13 Kannur K. K. Yakoob 2006 Septr 25 Thrissur Raju 2006 Dec 16 Thrissur Maheen 2007 July 19 Kollam Ajayaprasad 2007 Oct 29 Palakkad Gopalakrishnan 2007 Oct 29 Palakkad Raveendran 2007 Nov 5 Kannur Sudheer 2007 Nov 6 Kannur Parakandy Pavithran 2008 Jan 12 Kannur Dhanesh 2008 Jan 27 Kannur Jijesh 2008 March 5 Kannur Renjith 2008 March 7 Kannur Aneesh Seethi <m.seethi@xxxxxxxxxxx.com wrote: Dear all Nothing unusual and unexpected fm the promoters of annihilation in the name of class and caste or any other convenient criteria. The yelling of pinarayi thru media underlined "not a single degree of repentence and he and his party is bullying the whole keralite To co-operate or face the consequences... Funny..... they need special session to discuss abt the attack and stone throwing at akg center but "NO" to discuss abt law and order situation within the The borders of kerala in our own legislative assembly.. what for the public do pay taxes.... let all democratic parties go for self defence training in advanced To overcome any imminent nandigram model attack fm these psedo social fascists.. Y'day we heard pinarayi scolding HC judge who has commented in the light of all these blood shed while giving a virdict on Widow of our brother (Late) fazal.... fr CBI enquiry....(another victim of marxist excesses.) Now the media, organised parties are united to highlight muslim terrorism and secretly implementing annhiliation projects s..& talking abt Democracy and civil rights inside parliament.. just bcse they get massage at HQ.. best regards, Seethi Regi. ----------- [4] From: "Sukla Sen" <sukla.sen@gmail.com Date: Fri Mar 14, 2008 7:29 pm Subject: My India Is Great! s http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/?page=2008%5C03%5C14%5Cstory_14-3-2008_pg3_4 Symbolically speaking *—J Sri Raman* *Similarly, the halo of the past Olympic glory alone cannot make hockey India's national game. To generations of Indians, by now, hockey is no more than a memory from the hoary colonial past* "Are our national symbols endangered?" asked a leading Indian television channel of its viewers the other day. The provocation was the severe drubbing taken of late by two of such designated symbols — the "national animal" and the "national sport". The more pertinent question raised by this double disaster, or disgrace perhaps, was about symbols and substance. The entire debate began with stories about how endangered the Indian tiger has become. It reached its fierce height, however, only after India failed to make it to the Beijing Olympics in hockey, losing to once-lowly Britain in the qualifying tournament in Santiago. The real blow to national pride came after reports of the fall in the big cats' numbers, but the two together have come as nothing less than a trauma for those who see their country in symbols. There is no doubt that the tragedies of both the Indian tiger and hockey have come as shocks and can cause legitimate concern. An official survey following a series of tiger killings shows that the sanctuaries now harbour only about 1,400 of the striped animals, a steep fall from the days when over 3,400 of them burned bright in the forests of India. And Indian hockey, now a non-player in the world event, has come a long way from times when it won eight Olympic golds. The tiger statistics have triggered off scrolls of signatures from the class of citizens who may now be called `petitioneratti' and polemics from passionate environmentalists, but pretty little by way of discussing what really went wrong and how the situation can be remedied. In his budget on February 29, Finance Minister P Chidambaram has set aside 500 million Indian rupees for raising a Tiger Protection Force, but not a paisa for a programme to prevent and resolve man-conflicts and competitions that have caused tigers and other wildlife species so dearly. The hockey debacle, meanwhile, has hurt India all the more for coming so soon after the cricket triumph in Australia. If Harbhajan Singh was the hero of India's Oz tour, Indian Hockey Federation chief KPS Gill is clearly the villain of the tournament in Chile. Former players and the media are demanding the head of former super-cop Gill. But the moustachioed man — unfazed by harsh critics of the way he crushed separatists along with human rights in Punjab long ago or by the legal case brought against him by a female fellow-bureaucrat for bottom-slapping — could not care less. There is hardly any sign of a more serious and informed discussion of the debacle. The question, however, should not be why India has failed to save its national symbols. It should be: were they really national symbols at all? What made the tiger, for example, the national animal? Some wildlife literature may contain references to India as harbouring the largest tiger population in the world. Has the feline of a ferocious grace ever occupied an important place in the Indian psyche or social life? False ascetics may use fake tiger skins as seats for pseudo-spiritual authority, but the masses lack even a Chinese-like faith in the medicinal properties of the animal's parts. The cow had perhaps a better claim to the title, though its conferment would have been hailed by communal politicians as their hard-won victory. The elephant, with a place in temples as well as in the timber transport, too, would make a better candidate than the tiger of strictly tourist interest. Similarly, the halo of the past Olympic glory alone cannot make hockey India's national game. To generations of Indians, by now, hockey is no more than a memory from the hoary colonial past. Generations have grown up without ever watching the game or knowing the peculiar hardness of the hockey ball, while every street in the country witnesses everyday cricket battles. India has an official set of national symbols, even emblazoned on the websites of some of its embassies. Some of these symbols should create no problem, but they do. It is those obsessed with the sacredness of the symbols who create the problems. The national anthem, for example, may have seemed utterly uncontroversial when adopted. But a pioneer of India's IT industry, NR Narayana Murthy was hauled to the court for playing the anthem as a tune without words. And the nationalistic credentials of music wizard AR Rahman were questioned for playing the anthem to a new tune. The national flag, also non-controversial, for much of the time since Independence, has of late provided material for more patriotic-than-thou campaigns, the victims including cricket icon Sachin Tendulkar and tennis star Sania Mirza. It is the far-right crusaders for "cultural nationalism" who seek to exploit the "national symbols" in their never-ending political enterprises, for which enemies of the nation need to be invented if they do not exist. One of their current campaigns of the Bharatiya Janata Party and the parivar (the far-right family) in Hindi-speaking states, particularly the politically crucial Uttar Pradesh, is for the compulsory singing of the "national song" — Vande Mataram — in schools. The far right is not really ignoring the fact that only the first two stanzas of the song have been adopted as the "national song", as suggested by famous poet Rabindranath Tagore because the rest of Bankim Chandra Chatterjee's lines were addressed to Goddess Durga. The far right's attempt is to de-beautify the song and distort it into a divisive weapon. Some of the other "national symbols" have not figured seriously in any controversy of the kind. Questions were raised, of course, about India's ability to save the "national bird", when powerful people were caught dining on the meat of peacocks, now a protected species. India also has a "national calendar", supposedly dating back to the Saka era (of different historical interpretations), which may warrant national pride but serves no practical purpose. No, symbols without substance cannot survive or be saved, whether in India or any other nation. *The writer is a journalist based in Chennai, India. A peace activist, he is also the author of a sheaf of poems titled `At Gunpoint'* ----------- [5] From: Pradip Kumar Datta <pradip200@yahoo.com Date: Sat Mar 15, 2008 11:52 am Subject: Sharmila’s protest : Assam Tribune Editorial Sharmila’s protest The re-arrest of human rights activist Irom Sharmila Chanu on March 8, a day after she was released from the security ward of JN Hospital in Imphal for continuing her fast-unto-death against the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act has once again brought the focus of the entire nation on the draconian piece of legislation. Widely viewed as being responsible for largescale human rights abuses in Manipur, the Armed Forces (Special Power) Act (AFSPA) has been in force in the state since it was declared a ‘disturbed area’ on September 8, 1980, with the order being re-issued every six months. The resolute Sharmila has been on fast since November 2, 2000 after the Malom massacre where ten persons were allegedly killed by the Assam Rifles. The Army disallowed a magisterial enquiry into the incident. While the worsening militancy in Manipur was cited as a factor behind the imposition of the AFSPA, how far it has gone into containing militancy is debatable. What, however, the Act has succeeded in is to alienate the common people, thanks to the excess committed by the security forces under the pretext of the Act. As the AFSPA gives sweeping powers to the armed forces without making them accountable, the state witnessed a spurt in atrocities by security forces. The BP Jeevan Reddy Committee, constituted to go into the different aspects of the Act following widespread protests in Manipur, submitted its findings on June 6, 2005, with a recommendation that “the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958, should be repealed.” The Centre, however, did not act on the recommendations. Significantly, the 147-page report noted that “the Act, for whatever reasons, has become a symbol of oppression, an object of hate and an instrument of discrimination and high handedness.” The AFSPA was modelled on the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Ordinance, which was promulgated by the British government on August 15, 1942 to suppress the Quit India Movement. As per its provisions, even non-commissioned officers of the armed forces are empowered to arrest anyone without warrant, to destroy any structure that may be hiding absconders without any verification, to conduct search and seize without warrant, and to shoot even to the extent of causing death. Sharmila’s steely resolve and the manner of her protest to get the oppressive Act repealed have few parallels in recent history. Her single-minded persuasion of her goal – an AFSPA-free Manipur – is growing stronger with every passing day. Her act of courage has also succeeded in drawing global attention to the issue, with more and more of her supporters lending their weight behind her. Assam Tribune Editorial 15.03.08 -------------- [6] From: "Sukla Sen" <sukla.sen@gmail.com Date: Sat Mar 15, 2008 11:57 am Subject: India in Nepal http://www.truthout.org/docs_2006/031408F.shtml *India as a Poll Issue in Nepal* By J. Sri Raman t r u t h o u t Perspective Friday 14 March 2008 India figures prominently as an issue in Nepal's forthcoming elections. The Himalayan nation has always figured in India's politics, too, and is likely to do so in a larger manner over the next few months. The issue, which has showed varying degrees of visibility, has been particularly important for the far right. To the Bharatiya Janata Party and the parivar (the far right family), Nepal has not been a mere neighbor to the north. To them, it was the only "Hindu state," so long as it was a mountain kingdom under an unpopular monarchy, and it remains the only other Hindu-majority nation. Consequently, the BJP and the parivar have been strongly opposed to the anti-monarchy or democratic movement in Nepal and its constituents, particularly the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist). In the current context, they are staunchly opposed to the major section of the movement that does not trust the deposed king enough even to retain him as a figurehead in a constitutional monarchy. The Nepal policy of India's far right is tied to its national politics aimed at making the BJP and the parivar the representative of the country's religious majority. The policy has an international prop as well. In terms of the US-India "strategic partnership," inaugurated by the BJP while in power during 1998-2004, Nepal is not only a "buffer state" between India and China, but a bulwark against the latter for South and South-East Asia. The BJP and its band, in any case, cannot remain benign observers of the Nepal scene after the CPN(M) came out with its manifesto for the elections to a proposed Constituent Assembly (CA) to be held on April 10 (if the polls are not put off for a third time). The manifesto does make a major issue of India, especially the India-Nepal Treaty of Peace and Friendship signed on July 31, 1950. The manifesto says: "The non-reciprocal relations existing between Nepal and India since the days of British India must be re-evaluated in order to make the existing relations reciprocal. For this, mainly, the Treaty of Peace and Friendship, 1950, signed between India and Nepal must be annulled...." What the Maoists and many other sections of Nepal's political spectrum oppose more than anything else is the part of the treaty that makes India-Nepal relations sound like another strategic partnership. The objection, above all, is to two of the ten articles of the pact. Under Article II of the treaty, the "two governments hereby undertake to inform each other of any serious friction or misunderstanding with any neighbouring state likely to cause any breach in the friendly relations subsisting between the two governments." Article V lays down: "The Government of Nepal shall be free to import, from or through the territory of India, arms, ammunition or warlike material and equipment necessary for the security of Nepal. The procedure for giving effect to this arrangement shall be worked out by the two Governments acting in consultation." The pact was, in these respects, a reworking of the Treaty of 1923 between British India and Nepal. By that treaty, too, the two sides agreed to inform each other of any misunderstanding with the neighbouring states whose territories adjoined their common frontiers. According to Article V of the treaty, the British government agreed that the Nepal government would be free to import arms, ammunition, machinery, war-like material, and stores as may be required or desired for the strength and welfare of Nepal, and that the arrangement would continue so long as the British government was satisfied of the intentions of the Nepal government that there was no immediate danger to India from such importations. India has always insisted on the treaty being read together with "letters exchanged" between New Delhi and Kathmandu in 1959 and 1965. These included Nepal in India's security zone and precluded arms purchases without India's approval. At the height of the Maoists' armed struggle, their supporters claimed that the treaty also contained some secret annexures, covering mutual assistance in case of an emergency such as their rebellion. Sections of Nepal's media reported in February 2005 that General Pyar Jung Thapa, chief of the Royal Nepal Army, had hinted at King Gyanandra invoking the provisions of the treaty and seeking Indian military support against the Maoists. The treaty came under considerable strain even during the period of monarchy, particularly on two occasions. The first instance followed the end of another unpopular monarchy in another Himalayan kingdom - Sikkim, adjoining Nepal on the east - in 1975, leading to what New Delhi described as its "integration" with India and what its critics denounced as an "annexation." An anxious King Birendra Bir Bikram Dev Shah reacted by calling for international recognition of Nepal as a "zone of peace," with India treating the idea backed by China and Pakistan as an attack on the treaty and the "special relationship" envisaged. The proposal was pursued, but with declining vigor and, finally, in vain. The second time, matters threatened to take a more serious turn in 1988, when Nepal acquired some Chinese weaponry. New Delhi saw this as a flagrant violation of the treaty. The close economic relations between the two countries, governed by equally controversial treaties of transit and trade, however, gave New Delhi the clout to penalize Nepal through what even pro-India analysts have called a "blockade." The pact did not face any substantial opposition from the palace in Kathmandu after that. As for popular opinion on the issue, the Maoists can claim to articulate it to a significant extent when they declare that Nepal should cease to be branded a "buffer state" between India and China but should be regarded as a "dynamic link" between the two. The call to replace the present India-Nepal pact with a more "equal treaty" can also safely be presumed to enjoy majority support in the mountain state. On the Indian side, there is talk - even in circles that regard as an encomium India's description by the Maoists and others as an "expansionist power" - of bringing the treaty in better tune with the times. The treaty, however, provides for no revision, upgrading or updating. Article X of the document says, "The Treaty shall remain in force until it is terminated by either party by giving one year's notice" and no more. This may well lead to a piquant situation in the aftermath of elections. Whichever party or group of parties comes to power in Kathmandu, a long round of tough negotiations - and worse - appears unavoidable. --------------- |
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| << March14, 2008 - [India Thinkers Net]Supreme Court on SCs,Pak news,women's day |
March17, 2008 - [India Thinkers Net] Tibet history ,Tobacco conference ,Aurangazeb.. >> |
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