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[1] From: kashif-ul-huda <kaaashif@gmail.com Date: Wed Apr 30, 2008 10:26 pm Subject: 30 days in Afghanistan: Burqas at the airport Burqas at the airport<http://www.twocircles.net/2008apr30/burqas_airport.html <http://www.twocircles.net/2008apr30/burqas_airport.html *By Naeem Randhawa* ** The woman looks up from examining my papers, and now is glaring at me. I remove my sunglasses and smile, somewhat surprised at her forwardness. In my country, women wearing the burqa are typically shy, for the most part. Here, she is commanding respect, as she and her comrades are inspecting the passports of all visitors at the Dubai airport. I can see some of the Europeans and other foreigners around me, fidgeting. It's odd, and I'm observant of the reversal of state. This will be the first of many oddities I witness in the desert country of the United Arab Emirates. I spend the next 24 hours, waiting for my Afghan visa, which arrives promptly by the company's arranged travel agents. I take advantage of the time, and spend most of the day walking and getting driven around the city, visiting various spots. ------------ [2] From: WebXpurt <webxpurt@yahoo.com Date: Thu May 1, 2008 3:44 am Subject: Road to Amity : by Rafiq Zakaria http://www.atimes.com/atimes/South_Asia/GD09Df01.html Indian Muslims: Where Have They Gone Wrong? The road to amity: by Rafiq Zakaria Book Review by: S. Chaulia Few have steadfastly walked the thankless road to Hindu-Muslim harmony like Dr Rafiq Zakaria, one of India's most ardent liberal thinkers. The theme of Zakaria's 17th book is the nefarious role?? played by Muslim political leaders in impeding communal harmony before and after Indian independence. M J Akbar, another rare specimen from the community of the enlightened, writes in the foreword that the flaw in Indian Muslim politics after 1857 was the minority complex based on the specious number game, the belief that Muslims, being only a quarter of the population, would always be subservient to Hindus. "Where have Indian Muslims gone wrong? Whenever they have forgotten their Indian roots." Zakaria takes the bull by the horns by dilating on how the present generation of Indian Muslims is suffering the consequences of erroneous steps taken by its leadership of yore and now. In the 1940s, Muslim elites "gave Muhammad Ali Jinnah all the support he needed" for partition of the South Asian subcontinent. After 1947, "they resorted to the same manner of confrontation with the dominant Hindus, widened the divide and intensified the hatred" (p xxviii). Ordinary Muslims were indoctrinated with a "ghetto mentality" and divorced from the national mainstream owing to "obstinate adherence to outmoded traditions" and fear of the ulama (clerical class). Despite differences in the character of Islam and Hinduism, there was no move for partition in medieval times. Muslim rulers who persecuted Hindu subjects made no effort to divide territories on communal lines. Common Muslims and Hindus had largely cordial relations, celebrating each other's festivals. Despite conflicts between ruling classes of the two communities, Indo-Saracenic art, music, literature and architecture flourished. Muslim poets, writers and philosophers "went into ecstasy over the secrets of human emancipation in the Bhagavad Gita" (p 38). Muslim musicians composed raagas in praise of the Hindu deities Krishna and Shiva. Urdu literature, from Amir Khusrau to Hasrat Mohani, bristled with respect for Hindu saints and spiritual precursors. The real threat to India's unity came from Jinnah's "aggressive separatist stand". His pernicious "two-nation theory" poisoned communal ties as never before. His campaign to frighten Muslims that Hindus would subjugate them to "abject slavery" or "complete annihilation" inflamed misunderstanding and passions. Thousands of Indian Muslims combated the communal virus. ?Badruddin Tyabjee, Rehmatulla Sayani, Shibli Nomani, M A Ansari, Hakim Ajmal Khan, Maulana Azad, Abdul Ghaffar Khan, Hussain Ahmad Madni, Rafi Ahmad Kidwai, Syed Abdullah Barelvi, Humayun Kabir et al risked the ire of their co-religionists to uphold oneness of all faiths. However, the British "kept Jinnah in the forefront in any negotiation and did not allow him to be isolated" (p 100). Lord Mountbatten, the last viceroy of British India, convinced Congress leaders that "the only way to get rid of Jinnah was a divided India. Any form of a united India would start a civil war" (p 115). In the aftermath of partition, prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru rushed to the rescue of innocent Muslim victims. His "anti-communalism was not one-sided. He fought Muslim communalism no less valiantly" (p 125). He opposed separate electorates and reservation of seats for minorities. His daughter, Indira Gandhi, was ever concerned about the psychosis through which Indian Muslims were passing. In her opinion, "Unless Muslims are made to feel that they are as much an integral part of India as Hindus, their attachment to secularism would remain hypocritical" (p 199). The creation of Pakistan fueled Hindu-Muslim bitterness instead of easing it. Indian Muslims were more besieged than before 1947. Pakistan is "a constant threat to their safety and security in India". Persecuted Bengali Muslims "had to be eventually rescued by Indian armed forces, consisting mostly of Hindus". Average Muslims in Pakistan and Bangladesh still "groan under the iron heels of feudal cliques backed by the army" (p 162). Zakaria strongly asserts that any solution of the Kashmir dispute on the lines desired by Pakistan will reopen the floodgates of vehement communalism. "The best way of silencing the Pakistanis and preserving Kashmir's integration with India is to strengthen the link between Kashmiri Muslims and Indian Muslims" (p 405). Terrorism perpetrated in the name of jihad in Indian Kashmir is a major cause of Hindu-Muslim hostility. Zakaria cites Imam Ghazali, popular as the "Rejuvenator of Islam": "If Muslims did not destroy terrorism, terrorism would destroy them" (p 203). To gloat over acts of terrorism and hold jashn (celebrations) depicts "utter crassness and lunacy". The economic condition of Indian Muslims is worse than that of the Scheduled Castes and Tribes. Muslims have as much to blame as the government for their own backwardness in education. They fail to capitalize on common facilities for educational uplift. Purdah (veiling women) and fear of coeducation deter female children's progress in the secular world. Zakaria urges Indian Muslims to cooperate with Hindus through intensive contact on a daily basis. The former have "their place only in India and they have to get emotionally involved in her affairs, trends, ethos, conventions and traditions" (p 450). Hatred can be overcome only by love. Since a generalized scare exists among Hindus that Muslims will demographically overtake them, Zakaria calls upon Muslims to eschew polygamy and adopt family planning vigorously. Triple talaaq (arbitrary divorce) and the hajj subsidy have to be abolished. The ostrich-like behavior of such leaders as Syed Shahabuddin and Imam Bukhari harms Muslims by keeping communal rancor alive. Hindus in turn have to live with 150 million Muslims, who cannot be wished away. ? Threats from the champions of Hindutva to eliminate Muslims have to cease. Highlighting the more liberal facets of the lives of historical figures can clean mental cobwebs. Shivaji, the Maratha warrior king, had one-third Muslim soldiers in his army. The supreme commander of his navy was a Muslim. The first thing Shivaji did after a conquest was to promulgate protection of mosques and Muslim tombs. "He was more liberal and tolerant than the best of European potentates" (p 315). Swami Vivekananda, the apostle of humanism, saw the real unity of India in Hindu-Muslim goodwill in the villages and averred, "A junction of the two great systems - Vedanta brain and Islam body - is the only hope" (p 327). The politics of hate is eating into the vitals of India, last demonstrated in the communal horrors of Gujarat. Zakaria takes the electronic media to task for its deep-rooted neglect of progressive Muslim viewpoints. It gives undue publicity to mullahs and fanatics. "If a Muslim demonstrates backwardness, it is news. If he exhibits progressiveness, it is not news" (p 356). The most evident barriers against improvement of Hindu-Muslim relations are riots. Governments and political parties treat them as law-and-order problems, without tying them to economic problems of livelihood among all religious communities. Indian Muslims live in depressed conditions as hewers of wood and drawers of water, lacking a cogent middle class. Zakaria asks them to harness inner strengths and be self-reliant. "Give up asking for doles ... never seek patronage" (p 427). The mindset of the community has to be transformed by "disarming terrorists and disowning bigotry" (p 464). Indian Muslim perception warrants sea changes. Religious prejudices and narrowness of spirit have to be won over by compassion of the likes of the greatest Sufi, Jalaluddin Rumi: Then listen! I am lover of love. My love transcends all creeds. http://www.atimes.com/atimes/SouthAsia/GD09Df01.html Related stories: Minoritism @ http://indowave.tripod.com/MINORITISM.html Past Demons @ http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp? page=story_30-8-2004_pg3_4 ------------- [3] From: ram mohan anantha pai <pairamblr@yahoo.com Date: Thu May 1, 2008 8:50 am Subject: Re: [indiathinkersnet] Chasing phantoms: KPS Gill on madrassas very nice and interesting. power in perpetuity in the hands of a privileged minority. But sure, this minority did not "grab" power, it was invested in them by people and the people's representatives And are you in a position to exclude any party that has been in power in "branding" him? May not, because, the typical out look of us Indians - which has the access to media is to always confuse the issues. See how you jump from issue like Khalistan to women harassment, You havd had no problem of the violence of Khalistan , but you are weeping on handling violence with a heavy hand. Atleast you need to understand that it is you who gave him power to deal with Khalistan and as a person who is entrusted with certain authority, he did his job. But tell us, lay men of India, who gave or entrusted power to Khalistanis to go on with Violence? And people take law in to their own hands, what do you expect the authorities to do? Shuklaji, discuss issues logically, rationally. please. Then there will be some learning - some education will be there, if not for you, lay men like me who read your posts in this group will be able to understand something - good or bad, we can leave the readers to think... but it will help the brain to do some work. Just because he was harrassing women - one cannot condemn him. Yes, for harrassing women, you had all the power to take action and then if he was pardoned, even that was done by people who were entrusted with that power. we need to learn to think to grow to maturity. cheers . "I. K. Shukla" <ikshukla7@gmail.com wrote: It is likes of KPSGill ruling the roost now - power in perpetuity in the hands of a privileged minority. That is how he and his predator fraternity got away scot free from punishment ----------- [4] From: Abhiyya 2006 <abhiyya@yahoo.com Date: Thu May 1, 2008 5:39 pm Subject: How to save the world from food crisis? Iranian President shows the way! Wedding Of Iranian President's Son A banana, orange, apple, and a piece cake as food for the entire evening, without any dinner, is not the typical way many Iranian couples like to celebrate their special night. Iranian weddings, even those belonging to the poor are usually big blowouts where guests are treated with plenty of food. In some parts of Iran, such as the Lorestan province, weddings can even last up to a week, with lunch and dinner served to all guests --------------- [5] From: "Sukla Sen" <sukla.sen@gmail.com Date: Thu May 1, 2008 1:21 pm Subject: Obama’s Remarks on Wright [That Barack Obama is no Malcolm X is just a given. He is no Martin Luther king Jr. or Jesse Jackson either. But arguably the distance between him and Jesse Jackson is significantly less than that between Malcolm X and Jackson. The relevant point here is whether he inspires the hope of taking the process forward as spearheaded by Martin Luther and Jesse Jackson, and arguably strentghened by Malcolm X as well. Whether, if at all, elected as the US President he'd (be able to) make some difference. Even a fraction of the difference that remains to be made As it appears, the radical extreme/fringe is too paranoid about such prospects actually materialising. Feeling too insecure. So such desperate attempts to wreck Obama's prospects.] http://www.nytimes.com/2008/04/29/us/politics/29text-obama.html? pagewanted=all April 29, 2008 Transcript Obama's Remarks on Wright --------- |
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| << April30, 2008 - [India Thinkers Net] Plight of Saudi women ,food crisis ,Jermiah's speech etc |
May03, 2008 - [India Thinkers Net] Death penalty laws flawed ,May Day,Stalinism etc >> |
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