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Subject: [India Thinkers Net]Go Arjun Go - August19, 2004



The Hindu - August 18, 2004 | Op-Ed.

GO ARJUN, GO

by Harish Khare

The RSS-Arjun Singh battle should embolden the
liberal community to rediscover its voice and its
faith in Nehruvian values.

THE UNION Human Resource Development Minister,
Arjun Singh, has intrepidly called the Rashtriya
Swayamsevak Sangh's bluff. Rather than getting
cowed down by the RSS' threat of a legal case,
the Union Minister has virtually told the Nagpur
brass to take a hike. The onus is now on these
self-styled desh bhakhts to decide whether they
want to expose their organisation to what could
become an exacting judicial scrutiny and a
prolonged public expos?©. The country does need a
grand trial on the question of culpability of
those other than Nathuram Godse in Mahatma
Gandhi's assassination. It would be a wonderful
tonic for the entire country to learn a little
about the men, their ideas and infatuations and
the organisational habits of a group that never
accepted the Mahatma or his message of secular
brotherhood. Quite unwittingly, Mr. Singh has
stumbled upon a stratagem that could help the
polity rediscover its liberal equilibrium.

Expectedly, the Bharatiya Janata Party leaders
and their spear-carriers in the media have raised
questions about Mr. Singh's motives in taking on
the RSS. The insinuation is that the Minister's
real target is the Prime Minister, not the Sangh.
Mr. Singh's reputation perhaps invites these
kinds of suggestions. However, anyone familiar
with the current realpolitik power equations of
the Congress party can easily arrive at two
simple and obvious inferences.

First, the Arjun Singh of 2004 is not the Arjun
Singh of 1994-95; today he has very little
personal following in the party. No one in the
party thinks of him as a Prime Ministerial
contender. Whereas in 1991 he could easily walk
into the Narashima Rao Cabinet as the
undesignated No. 2, his entry itself into the
Manmohan Singh Government was a touch and go
affair. Second, in 1994-1995 when he took on the
then Prime Minister, P.V. Narasimha Rao, he could
entertain the fiction that he had the silent
consent, if not the connivance, of 10 Janpath.
Today, there is no scope for him - nor for that
matter, for anyone else in and out of the
Congress - to misunderstand or misinterpret Sonia
Gandhi's total commitment to the Manmohan Singh
Government's success and longevity.

However, given his many enemies, within and
outside the Congress, doubts will persist about
the wisdom of Mr. Arjun Singh's anti-RSS
pinpricks. He is quite capable of dealing
competently with his detractors. The only
worthwhile caveat against the Union Minister that
needs to be taken note of is the argument that he
has created a situation whereby the BJP
leadership would be forced to come to the aid of
the Jhandewalan gang.

This is too facile an argument. If the BJP
embraces the RSS, so be it. After all, it is not
Mr. Singh's or the Congress party's obligation to
help the BJP leaders extricate themselves from
the RSS company. Nor, to be precise, do these
leaders want to liberate themselves from their
"soul" called the RSS. The Congress certainly
stands nothing to lose if the so-called
"moderates" within the BJP were to appear as cut
from the same RSS cloth as the self-styled
hardliners. Indeed, the Congress should welcome a
BJP that is seen as totally tied to the RSS apron
strings; the middle classes in India would then
be forced to rethink their ambivalence towards
the Hindutva party.

However, there is a much larger context to the
Arjun Singh-RSS battle of nerves. The RSS threat
of legal action against Mr. Singh is to be seen
as part of the Sangh Parivar's strategy of
manufacturing judicial respectability for itself.
After having questioned for long the judiciary's
competence to pronounce in "a matter of faith"
(Lord Rama's birth place), the Sangh Parivar has
gleefully seized upon the Supreme Court's
majority judgment in the Hindutva case. The Sangh
and its ideologues selectively used Justice J.S.
Verma's words to proclaim the apex court had
legitimised their definition of Hindutva and its
core beliefs.

Ever since the Verma judgment, the Sangh Parivar
has been only too prone to threaten its political
detractors and rivals with a legal battle. It has
tried to instil a fear among its critics that
their opposition to the Parivar would entail the
additional complication of a legal entanglement.
It is indeed an irony that an inherently
anti-democratic group should be able to use the
legal accoutrements of a liberal Constitution to
browbeat its critics. The threat against Mr.
Singh is part of a familiar pattern and it is
about time someone picked up the RSS' gauntlet.
The trials relating to the post-Godhra violence
have exposed the Hindutva brigade to unflattering
judicial scrutiny, and it would be an act of
national catharsis if the judiciary at the
highest level were to undertake a kind of audit
of the Sangh Parivar's historical role in the
pre- and post-Partition events.

Building on this spuriously manufactured judicial
sanction for its Hindutva beliefs, the BJP began
garnering political respectability for the RSS
and its agenda. It helped the party win over a
section of the middle classes; once in power at
the Centre, the party milked the Kargil
nationalism to enhance the Hindutva agenda. It
was even tempted to redefine the basic
constitutional scheme of things; the National
Commission to Review the Working of the
Constitution was a sleight-of-hand attempt to
create quasi-judicial sanction for a majoritarian
governing arrangement. The BJP establishment
proceeded on the assumption that the judiciary
was no longer averse to granting it its sectarian
wishes; in particular, after 9/11, the Sangh
Parivar presumed that it had the global
understanding and the American nod to indulge in
its anti-minority reflexes.

The deliberate delusion that the Sangh Parivar
has the judicial sanction to carry on its
business needs to be demolished, and the Sangh
Parivar-Arjun Singh spat might just do that. As
it is, the ambivalent and the timid in the civil
and police bureaucracy have already come to terms
with the essence of the 2004 Lok Sabha elections.
Even the BJP crowd has lost its aggressive voice.

Look at Narendra Modi. On August 15, 2003, he had
moved the traditional Independence Day function
to Patan, the seat of the Solanki dynasty in
8th-11th Century that lost its glory when Mahmud
of Ghazni attacked it in 1024; the Chief Minister
pointedly donned the RSS black cap while hoisting
the national flag. This year, it was an
altogether different scene. The Chief Minister
instructed all his Cabinet Ministers to sport the
traditional saffa (conventional headgear) and to
talk of Sardar Patel and development. Mr. Modi
could hardly run the risk of giving a sectarian
colour to a secular and democratic rite; nor
could he dare invite the displeasure of the
Centre.

The RSS threat against Mr. Arjun Singh is the
last roll of the dice in the hope of recouping,
through a judicial verdict, its lost fortunes. It
is about time there was a discussion of the RSS
and its role in the affairs of the BJP and, by
extension, in the national arena. Its claim to
being a nationalist organisation does not absolve
the outfit of the obligations of transparency and
accountability. A grand trial would add a new
chapter to our national education; here is a
group of people that claims a right to interfere
in how the BJP behaves in and out of power - even
foists a Deputy Prime Minister on the country -
and yet has escaped a scrutiny of its
extra-constitutional role. It is about time.

More than judicially putting the Sangh Parivar in
its place, the RSS-Arjun Singh battle should
embolden the liberal community to rediscover its
voice and its faith in Nehruvian values. It is a
different matter that the Congress party itself
is guilty of jettisoning many of Nehru's liberal
instincts. That does not mean that the RSS'
claims and pretensions cannot be challenged. And
in any case, the battle for Nehru's idea of India
cannot be left to be fought only by the Congress.
Mr. Singh has become just an accidental soldier
in a battle that was long overdue.









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