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Subject: [India Thinkers Net]Arundhati Roy's lecture - November08, 2004



From: Satinath Choudhary <satichou@yahoo.com>
Date: Sun Nov 7, 2004
Subject: The 2004 Sydney Peace Prize lecture delivered by Arundhati Roy  

What??™s next for Arundhati Roy?
Nobel Peace Prize?
That will be sweet!
-Sati


Date: Sat, 6 Nov 2004 20:33:13 -0500 (EST)
To: portside@l...
From: moderator@p... Add to Address Book

Subject: Roy - 'Capitulation to a Corporate Coup'

Sydney Morning Herald
November 4, 2004

What we call peace is little better than capitulation
to a corporate coup

=================

http://www.smh.com.au/news/Opinion/Roys-full-speech/2004/11/04/1099362264349.html#

Roy's full speech
November 4, 2004 - 10:54AM

The 2004 Sydney Peace Prize lecture delivered by
Arundhati Roy, at the Seymour Theatre Centre,
University of Sydney.

Peace & The New Corporate Liberation Theology
It's official now. The Sydney Peace Foundation is neck
deep in the business of gambling and calculated risk.
Last year, very courageously, it chose Dr Hanan
Ashrawi of Palestine for the Sydney Peace Prize. And,
as if that were not enough, this year - of all the
people in the world - it goes and chooses me!
However I'd like to make a complaint. My sources
inform me that Dr Ashrawi had a picket all to herself.
This is discriminatory. I demand equal treatment for
all Peace Prizees. May I formally request the
Foundation to organize a picket against me after the
lecture? From what I've heard, it shouldn't be hard to
organize. If this is insufficient notice, then
tomorrow will suit me just as well.
When this year's Sydney Peace Prize was announced, I
was subjected to some pretty arch remarks from those
who know me well: Why did they give it to the biggest
trouble-maker we know? Didn't anybody tell them that
you don't have a peaceful bone in your body? And,
memorably, Arundhati didi what's the Sydney Peace
Prize? Was there a war in Sydney that you helped to
stop?
Speaking for myself, I am utterly delighted to receive
the Sydney Peace Prize. But I must accept it as a
literary prize that honors a writer for her writing,
because contrary to the many virtues that are falsely
attributed to me, I'm not an activist, nor the leader
of any mass movement, and I'm certainly not the "voice
of the voiceless". (We know of course there's really
no such thing as the 'voiceless'. There are only the
deliberately silenced, or the preferably unheard.) I
am a writer who cannot claim to represent anybody but
herself. So even though I would like to, it would be
presumptuous of me to say that I accept this prize on
behalf of those who are involved in the struggle of
the powerless and the disenfranchised against the
powerful. However, may I say I accept it as the Sydney
Peace Foundation's expression of solidarity with a
kind of politics, a kind of world-view, that millions
of us around the world subscribe to?
It might seem ironic that a person who spends most of
her time thinking of strategies of resistance and
plotting to disrupt the putative peace, is given a
peace prize. You must remember that I come from an
essentially feudal country -and there are few things
more disquieting than a feudal peace. Sometimes
there's truth in old cliches. There can be no real
peace without justice. And without resistance there
will be no justice.
Today, it is not merely justice itself, but the idea
of justice that is under attack. The assault on
vulnerable, fragile sections of society is at once so
complete, so cruel and so clever - all encompassing
and yet specifically targeted, blatantly brutal and
yet unbelievably insidious - that its sheer audacity
has eroded our definition of justice. It has forced us
to lower our sights, and curtail our expectations.
Even among the well-intentioned, the expansive,
magnificent concept of justice is gradually being
substituted with the reduced, far more fragile
discourse of 'human rights'.
If you think about it, this is an alarming shift of
paradigm. The difference is that notions of equality,
of parity have been pried loose and eased out of the
equation. It's a process of attrition. Almost
unconsciously, we begin to think of justice for the
rich and human rights for the poor. Justice for the
corporate world, human rights for its victims. Justice
for Americans, human rights for Afghans and Iraqis.
Justice for the Indian upper castes, human rights for
Dalits and Adivasis (if that.) Justice for white
Australians, human rights for Aboriginals and
immigrants (most times, not even that.)
It is becoming more than clear that violating human
rights is an inherent and necessary part of the
process of implementing a coercive and unjust
political and economic structure on the world. Without
the violation of human rights on an enormous scale,
the neo-liberal project would remain in the dreamy
realm of policy. But increasingly Human Rights
violations are being portrayed as the unfortunate,
almost accidental fallout of an otherwise acceptable
political and economic system. As though they're a
small problem that can be mopped up with a little
extra attention from some NGOs. This is why in areas
of heightened conflict - in Kashmir and in Iraq for
example - Human Rights Professionals are regarded with
a degree of suspicion. Many resistance movements in
poor countries which are fighting huge injustice and
questioning the underlying principles of what
constitutes "liberation" and "development", view Human
Rights NGOs as modern day missionaries who've come to
take the ugly edge off Imperialism. To defuse
political anger and to maintain the status quo.
It has been only a few weeks since a majority of
Australians voted to re-elect Prime Minister John
Howard who, among other things, led Australia to
participate in the illegal invasion and occupation of
Iraq. The invasion of Iraq will surely go down in
history as one of the most cowardly wars ever fought.
It was a war in which a band of rich nations, armed
with enough nuclear weapons to destroy the world
several times over, rounded on a poor nation, falsely
accused it of having nuclear weapons, used the United
Nations to force it to disarm, then invaded it,
occupied it and are now in the process of selling it.
I speak of Iraq, not because everybody is talking
about it, (sadly at the cost of leaving other horrors
in other places to unfurl in the dark), but because it
is a sign of things to come. Iraq marks the beginning
of a new cycle. It offers us an opportunity to watch
the Corporate-Military cabal that has come to be known
as 'Empire' at work. In the new Iraq the gloves are
off.
As the battle to control the world's resources
intensifies, economic colonialism through formal
military aggression is staging a comeback. Iraq is the
logical culmination of the process of corporate
globalization in which neo-colonialism and
neo-liberalism have fused. If we can find it in
ourselves to peep behind the curtain of blood, we
would glimpse the pitiless transactions taking place
backstage. But first, briefly, the stage itself.
In 1991 US President George Bush senior mounted
Operation Desert Storm. Tens of thousands of Iraqis
were killed in the war. Iraq's fields were bombed with
more than 300 tonnes of depleted uranium, causing a
fourfold increase in cancer among children. For more
than 13 years, twenty four million Iraqi people have
lived in a war zone and been denied food and medicine
and clean water. In the frenzy around the US
elections, let's remember that the levels of cruelty
did not fluctuate whether the Democrats or the
Republicans were in the White House. Half a million
Iraqi children died because of the regime of economic
sanctions in the run up to Operation Shock and Awe.
Until recently, while there was a careful record of
how many US soldiers had lost their lives, we had no
idea of how many Iraqis had been killed. US General
Tommy Franks said "We don't do body counts" (meaning
Iraqi body counts). He could have added "We don't do
the Geneva Convention either." A new, detailed study,
fast-tracked by the Lancet medical journal and
extensively peer reviewed, estimates that 100,000
Iraqis have lost their lives since the 2003 invasion.
That's one hundred halls full of people - like this
one. That's one hundred halls full of friends,
parents, siblings, colleagues, lovers.like you. The
difference is that there aren't many children here
todaylet's not forget Iraq's children. Technically
that bloodbath is called precision bombing. In
ordinary language, it's called butchering,
Most of this is common knowledge now. Those who
support the invasion and vote for the invaders cannot
take refuge in ignorance. They must truly believe that
this epic brutality is right and just or, at the very
least, acceptable because it's in their interest.
So the 'civilized' 'modern' world - built
painstakingly on a legacy of genocide, slavery and
colonialism - now controls most of the world's oil.
And most of the world's weapons, most of the world's
money, and most of the world's media. The embedded,
corporate media in which the doctrine of Free Speech
has been substituted by the doctrine of Free If You
Agree Speech.
The UN's Chief Weapons Inspector Hans Blix said he
found no evidence of nuclear weapons in Iraq. Every
scrap of evidence produced by the US and British
governments was found to be false - whether it was
reports of Saddam Hussein buying uranium from Niger,
or the report produced by British Intelligence which
was discovered to have been plagiarized from an old
student dissertation. And yet, in the prelude to the
war, day after day the most 'respectable' newspapers
and TV channels in the US , headlined the 'evidence'
of Iraq's arsenal of weapons of nuclear weapons. It
now turns out that the source of the manufactured
'evidence' of Iraq's arsenal of nuclear weapons was
Ahmed Chalabi who, (like General Suharto of Indonesia,
General Pinochet of Chile, the Shah of Iran, the
Taliban and of course, Saddam Hussein himself) - was
bankrolled with millions of dollars from the good old
CIA.
And so, a country was bombed into oblivion. It's true
there have been some murmurs of apology. Sorry 'bout
that folks, but we have really have to move on. Fresh
rumours are coming in about nuclear weapons in Eye-ran
and Syria. And guess who is reporting on these fresh
rumours? The same reporters who ran the bogus 'scoops'
on Iraq. The seriously embedded A Team.
The head of Britain's BBC had to step down and one man
committed suicide because a BBC reporter accused the
Blair administration of 'sexing up' intelligence
reports about Iraq's WMD programme. But the head of
Britain retains his job even though his government did
much more than 'sex up' intelligence reports. It is
responsible for the illegal invasion of a country and
the mass murder of its people.
Visitors to Australia like myself, are expected to
answer the following question when they fill in the
visa form: Have you ever committed or been involved in
the commission of war crimes or crimes against
humanity or human rights? Would George Bush and Tony
Blair get visas to Australia? Under the tenets of
International Law they must surely qualify as war
criminals.
However, to imagine that the world would change if
they were removed from office is naive. The tragedy is
that their political rivals have no real dispute with
their policies. The fire and brimstone of the US
election campaign was about who would make a better
'Commander-in-Chief' and a more effective manager of
the American Empire. Democracy no longer offers voters
real choice. Only specious choice.
Even though no weapons of mass destruction have been
found in Iraq - stunning new evidence has revealed
that Saddam Hussein was planning a weapons programme.
(Like I was planning to win an Olympic Gold in
synchronized swimming.) Thank goodness for the
doctrine of pre-emptive strike. God knows what other
evil thoughts he harbored - sending Tampax in the mail
to American senators, or releasing female rabbits in
burqas into the London underground. No doubt all will
be revealed in the free and fair trial of Saddam
Hussein that's coming up soon in the New Iraq.
All except the chapter in which we would learn of how
the US and Britain plied him with money and material
assistance at the time he was carrying out murderous
attacks on Iraqi Kurds and Shias. All except the
chapter in which we would learn that a 12,000 page
report submitted by the Saddam Hussein government to
the UN, was censored by the United States because it
lists twenty-four US corporations that participated in
Iraq's pre-Gulf War nuclear and conventional weapons
programme. (They include Bechtel, DuPont, , Eastman
Kodak, Hewlett Packard, International Computer Systems
and Unisys.)
So Iraq has been 'liberated.' Its people have been
subjugated and its markets have been 'freed'. That's
the anthem of neo-liberalism. Free the markets. Screw
the people.
The US government has privatized and sold entire
sectors of Iraq's economy. Economic policies and tax
laws have been re-written. Foreign companies can now
buy 100% of Iraqi firms and expatriate the profits.
This is an outright violation of international laws
that govern an occupying force, and is among the main
reasons for the stealthy, hurried charade in which
power was 'handed over' to an 'interim Iraqi
government'. Once handing over of Iraq to the
Multi-nationals is complete, a mild dose of genuine
democracy won't do any harm. In fact it might be good
PR for the Corporate version of Liberation Theology,
otherwise known as New Democracy.
Not surprisingly, the auctioning of Iraq caused a
stampede at the feeding trough. Corporations like
Bechtel and Halliburton, the company that US
Vice-president Dick Cheney once headed, have won huge
contracts for 'reconstruction' work. A brief c.v of
any one of these corporations would give us a lay
person's grasp of how it all works. - not just in
Iraq, but all over the world. Say we pick Bechtel -
only because poor little Halliburton is under
investigation on charges of overpricing fuel
deliveries to Iraq and for its contracts to 'restore'
Iraq's oil industry which came with a pretty serious
price-tag - 2.5 billion dollars.
The Bechtel Group and Saddam Hussein are old business
acquaintances. Many of their dealings were negotiated
by none other than Donald Rumsfeld. In 1988, after
Saddam Hussein gassed thousands of Kurds, Bechtel
signed contracts with his government to build a
dual-use chemical plant in Baghdad.
Historically, the Bechtel Group has had and continues
to have inextricably close links to the Republican
establishment. You could call Bechtel and the Reagan
Bush administration a team. Former Secretary of
Defense, Caspar Weinberger was a Bechtel general
counsel. Former Deputy Secretary of Energy, W. Kenneth
Davis was Bechtel's vice president. Riley Bechtel, the
company chairman, is on the President's Export
Council. Jack Sheehan, a retired marine corps general,
is a senior vice president at Bechtel and a member of
the US Defense Policy Board. Former Secretary of State
George Shultz, who is on the Board of Directors of the
Bechtel Group, was the chairman of the advisory board
of the Committee for the Liberation of Iraq.
When he was asked by the New York Times whether he was
concerned about the appearance of a conflict of
interest between his two 'jobs', he said, "I don't
know that Bechtel would particularly benefit from it
[The invasion of Iraq]. But if there's work to be
done, Bechtel is the type of company that could do
it." Bechtel has been awarded reconstruction contracts
in Iraq worth over a billion dollars, which include
contracts to re-build power generation plants,
electrical grids, water supply, sewage systems, and
airport facilities. Never mind revolving doors, this
-if it weren't so drenched in blood- would be a
bedroom farce.
Between 2001 and 2002, nine out of thirty members of
the US Defense Policy Group were connected to
companies that were awarded Defense contracts worth 76
billion dollars. Time was when weapons were
manufactured in order to fight wars. Now wars are
manufactured in order to sell weapons.
Between 1990 and 2002 the Bechtel group has
contributed $3.3 million to campaign funds, both
Republican and Democrat. Since 1990 it has won more
than 2000 government contracts worth more than 11
billion dollars. That's an incredible return on
investment, wouldn't you say?
And Bechtel has footprints around the world. That's
what being a multi-national means.
The Bechtel Group first attracted international
attention when it signed a contract with Hugo Banzer,
the former Bolivian dictator, to privatize the water
supply in the city of Cochabamba. The first thing
Bechtel did was to raise the price of water. Hundreds
of thousands of people who simply couldn't afford to
pay Bechtel's bills came out onto the streets. A huge
strike paralyzed the city. Martial law was declared.
Although eventually Bechtel was forced to flee its
offices, it is currently negotiating an exit payment
of millions of dollars from the Bolivian government
for the loss of potential profits. Which, as we'll
see, is growing into a popular corporate sport.
In India, Bechtel along with General Electric are the
new owners of the notorious and currently defunct
Enron power project. The Enron contract, which legally
binds the Government of the State of Maharashtra to
pay Enron a sum of 30 billion dollars, was the largest
contract ever signed in India. Enron was not shy to
boast about the millions of dollars it had spent to
"educate" Indian politicians and bureaucrats. The
Enron contract in Maharashtra, which was India's first
'fast-track' private power project, has come to be
known as the most massive fraud in the country's
history. (Enron was another of the Republican Party's
major campaign contributors). The electricity that
Enron produced was so exorbitant that the government
decided it was cheaper not to buy electricity and pay
Enron the mandatory fixed charges specified in the
contract. This means that the government of one of the
poorest countries in the world was paying Enron 220
million US dollars a year not to produce electricity!
Now that Enron has ceased to exist, Bechtel and GE are
suing the Indian Government for 5.6 billion US
dollars. This is not even a minute fraction of the sum
of money that they (or Enron) actually invested in the
project. Once more, it's a projection of profit they
would have made had the project materialized. To give
you an idea of scale 5.6 billion dollars a little more
than the amount that the Government of India would
need annually, for a rural employment guarantee scheme
that would provide a subsistence wage to millions of
people currently living in abject poverty, crushed by
debt, displacement, chronic malnutrition and the WTO.
This in a country where farmers steeped in debt are
being driven to suicide, not in their hundreds, but in
their thousands. The proposal for a Rural Employment
Guarantee Scheme is being mocked by India's corporate
class as an unreasonable, utopian demand being floated
by the 'lunatic' and newly powerful left. Where will
the money come from? they ask derisively. And yet, any
talk of reneging on a bad contract with a notoriously
corrupt corporation like Enron, has the same cynics
hyperventilating about capital flight and the terrible
risks of 'creating a bad investment climate'. The
arbitration between Bechtel, GE and the Government of
India is taking place right now in London. Bechtel and
GE have reason for hope. The Indian Finance Secretary
who was instrumental in approving the disastrous Enron
contract has come home after a few years with the IMF.
Not just home, home with a promotion. He is now Deputy
Chairman of the Planning Commission.
Think about it: The notional profits of a single
corporate project would be enough to provide a hundred
days of employment a year at minimum wages (calculated
at a weighted average across different states) for 25
million people. That's five million more than the
population of Australia. That is the scale of the
horror of neo-liberalism.
The Bechtel story gets worse. In what can only be
called unconscionable, Naomi Klein writes that Bechtel
has successfully sued war-torn Iraq for 'war
reparations' and 'lost profits'. It has been awarded 7
million dollars.
So, all you young management graduates don't bother
with Harvard and Wharton - here's the Lazy Manager's
Guide to Corporate Success: First, stock your Board
with senior government servants. Next, stock the
government with members of your board. Add oil and
stir. When no one can tell where the government ends
and your company begins, collude with your government
to equip and arm a cold-blooded dictator in an
oil-rich country. Look away while he kills his own
people. Simmer gently. Use the time collect to collect
a few billion dollars in government contracts. Then
collude with your government once again while it
topples the dictator and bombs his subjects, taking to
specifically target essential infrastructure, killing
a hundred thousand people on the side. Pick up another
billion dollars or so worth of contracts to
'reconstruct' the infrastructure. To cover travel and
incidentals, sue for reparations for lost profits from
the devastated country. Finally, diversify. Buy a TV
station, so that next war around you can showcase your
hardware and weapons technology masquerading as
coverage of the war. And finally finally, institute a
Human Rights Prize in your company's name. You could
give the first one posthumously to Mother Teresa. She
won't be able to turn it down or argue back.
Invaded and occupied Iraq has been made to pay out 200
million dollars in "reparations" for lost profits to
corporations like Halliburton, Shell, Mobil, Nestle,
Pepsi, Kentucky Fried Chicken and Toys R Us. That's
apart from its 125 billion dollar sovereign debt
forcing it to turn to the IMF, waiting in the wings
like the angel of death, with its Structural
Adjustment program. (Though in Iraq there don't seem
to be many structures left to adjust. Except the
shadowy Al Qaeda.)
In New Iraq, privatization has broken new ground. The
US Army is increasingly recruiting private mercenaries
to help in the occupation. The advantage with
mercenaries is that when they're killed they're not
included in the US soldiers' body count. It helps to
manage public opinion, which is particularly important
in an election year. Prisons have been privatized.
Torture has been privatized. We have seen what that
leads to. Other attractions in New Iraq include
newspapers being shut down. Television stations
bombed. Reporters killed. US soldiers have opened fire
on crowds of unarmed protestors killing scores of
people. The only kind of resistance that has managed
to survive is as crazed and brutal as the occupation
itself. Is there space for a secular, democratic,
feminist, non-violent resistance in Iraq? There isn't
really.
That is why it falls to those of us living outside
Iraq to create that mass-based, secular and
non-violent resistance to the US occupation. If we
fail to do that, then we run the risk of allowing the
idea of resistance to be hi-jacked and conflated with
terrorism and that will be a pity because they are not
the same thing.
So what does peace mean in this savage, corporatized,
militarized world? What does it mean in a world where
an entrenched system of appropriation has created a
situation in which poor countries which have been
plundered by colonizing regimes for centuries are
steeped in debt to the very same countries that
plundered them, and have to repay that debt at the
rate of 382 billion dollars a year? What does peace
mean in a world in which the combined wealth of the
world's 587 billionaires exceeds the combined gross
domestic product of the world's 135 poorest countries?
Or when rich countries that pay farm subsidies of a
billion dollars a day, try and force poor countries to
drop their subsidies? What does peace mean to people
in occupied Iraq, Palestine, Kashmir, Tibet and
Chechnya? Or to the aboriginal people of Australia? Or
the Ogoni of Nigeria? Or the Kurds in Turkey? Or the
Dalits and Adivasis of India? What does peace mean to
non-muslims in Islamic countries, or to women in Iran,
Saudi Arabia and Afghanistan? What does it mean to the
millions who are being uprooted from their lands by
dams and development projects? What does peace mean to
the poor who are being actively robbed of their
resources and for whom everyday life is a grim battle
for water, shelter, survival and, above all, some
semblance of dignity? For them, peace is war.
We know very well who benefits from war in the age of
Empire. But we must also ask ourselves honestly who
benefits from peace in the age of Empire? War
mongering is criminal. But talking of peace without
talking of justice could easily become advocacy for a
kind of capitulation. And talking of justice without
unmasking the institutions and the systems that
perpetrate injustice, is beyond hypocritical.
It's easy to blame the poor for being poor. It's easy
to believe that the world is being caught up in an
escalating spiral of terrorism and war. That's what
allows the American President to say "You're either
with us or with the terrorists." But we know that
that's a spurious choice. We know that terrorism is
only the privatization of war. That terrorists are the
free marketers of war. They believe that the
legitimate use of violence is not the sole prerogative
of the State.
It is mendacious to make moral distinction between the
unspeakable brutality of terrorism and the
indiscriminate carnage of war and occupation. Both
kinds of violence are unacceptable. We cannot support
one and condemn the other.
The real tragedy is that most people in the world are
trapped between the horror of a putative peace and the
terror of war. Those are the two sheer cliffs we're
hemmed in by. The question is: How do we climb out of
this crevasse?
For those who are materially well-off, but morally
uncomfortable, the first question you must ask
yourself is do you really want to climb out of it? How
far are you prepared to go? Has the crevasse become
too comfortable?
If you really want to climb out, there's good news and
bad news.
The good news is that the advance party began the
climb some time ago. They're already half way up.
Thousands of activists across the world have been hard
at work preparing footholds and securing the ropes to
make it easier for the rest of us. There isn't only
one path up. There are hundreds of ways of doing it.
There are hundreds of battles being fought around the
world that need your skills, your minds, your
resources. No battle is irrelevant. No victory is too
small.
The bad news is that colorful demonstrations, weekend
marches and annual trips to the World Social Forum are
not enough. There have to be targeted acts of real
civil disobedience with real consequences. Maybe we
can't flip a switch and conjure up a revolution. But
there are several things we could do. For example, you
could make a list of those corporations who have
profited from the invasion of Iraq and have offices
here in Australia. You could name them, boycott them,
occupy their offices and force them out of business.
If it can happen in Bolivia, it can happen in India.
It can happen in Australia. Why not?
That's only a small suggestion. But remember that if
the struggle were to resort to violence, it will lose
vision, beauty and imagination. Most dangerous of all,
it will marginalize and eventually victimize women.
And a political struggle that does not have women at
the heart of it, above it, below it and within it is
no struggle at all.
The point is that the battle must be joined. As the
wonderful American historian Howard Zinn put it: You
Can't Be Neutral on a Moving Train.

Arundhati Roy
 









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