India Thinkers Net Archives Index | Subscribe | RSS
<< November10, 2004 - [India Thinkers Net]Condemnation of steep rise in fuel prices November10, 2004 - [India Thinkers Net]CFJ approaches the Supreme Court >>

Subject: [India Thinkers Net]Another showdown for Hindutva - November10, 2004



insaf Bulletin [31] November, 2004
International South Asia Forum
http://www.insaf.net

MAHARASHTRA ELECTION VERDICT: ANOTHER SHOWDOWN FOR HINDUTVA
Vinod Mubayi

The results of the elections in Maharashtra confirm that the BJP, the
Shiv Sena, and other assorted hangers-on and followers of Hindutva
are on a downward trajectory in public esteem and credibility. There
was every expectation prior to the election that the lackluster
performance of the Congress-Nationalist Congress coalition government
over the last 5 years would result in their losing power.

Economic growth in India's bellwether industrial state was tepid, the
state debt had ballooned, and farmers unable to meet their debt
obligations were reported to be committing suicide, just like in the
neighboring state of Andhra Pradesh, a phenomenon that sank the
Telugu Desam regime of Chandrababu Naidu earlier this year. The
perception of misgovernance was enhanced by the mid-term ouster of
Chief Minister Vilasrao Deshmukh and the resignation of the Deputy
Chief Minister Chhagan Bhujbal in the Telgi stamp paper scandal. It
was widely felt that anti-incumbency sentiment alone would dislodge
the Congress-NCP coalition and reinstall the BJP-Shiv Sena combine in
power.

The BJP's election chief, Pramod Mahajan, had devised another
strategy, of encouraging Mayawati's Bahujan Samaj Party to split the
Dalit-neo Buddhist vote that would ordinarily have gone to Congress
or Congress allies in the hope that BSP would support the BJP-Shiv
Sena coalition to come to power in the Assembly. BJP's icon of
yesteryear, former Prime Minister Vajpayee, and the rabble-rousing
Uma Bharati, were brought into the campaign.

But, in the end, the average voter had a different idea. Although the
margins were close in several districts, the verdict was
unmistakable; the people deemed the communal, Hindutva coalition a
worse option than continuing with the secular Congress-NCP incumbent
regime. This is a very hopeful sign that voters can now see through
the largely media created hype of the "party of natural governance"
as the BJP styled itself. The impact of the loss of the BJP-led NDA
government at the Center is now beginning to be felt over the
country. It portends further trouble for the BJP whose leaders are
now rushing to Nagpur to get further instructions from their gurus in
the RSS. In contrast, the Congress-led UPA at the Center has made a
decent start generally, despite occasional hiccups and differences
among the allies.

Another hopeful sign is the steep decline, hopefully a signal of its
eventual demise, of the thuggish Shiv Sena. Its leader, Bal
Thackeray, in his latest rant after the election results were
declared sounded more like Charlie Chaplin's "Great Dictator" than
the Fuhrer, Adolf Hitler, a figure Thackeray has frequently admired
in press interviews. The Sena rose to prominence on a one-point
political program, sons-of-the-soil chauvinism of the Hindu
Maharashtrian middle and lower middle class in cosmopolitan Bombay
where the higher levels of industry and trade were dominated by the
Parsis, Gujaratis, and Marwaris, white collar employment by Tamilian
Brahmins and service sectors such as transport by Sikhs and Muslims.
The Sena's cadres were largely drawn from Bombay's extensive
underworld involved in smuggling, gambling, liquor and other rackets.
Emotive rabble-rousing against migrants and "outsiders", plus a
rent-a-thug policy allowed the Sena to acquire both resources and
political power.

In the late 1960s and 70s, industrial capitalists used the Sena's
cadres to destroy the Communist trade unions through violent attacks
on and murders of individual trade union leaders like Krishna Desai.
Earlier Congress governments in the state also cynically used the
Sena's muscle power when it suited them at election time. Violent
campaigns in the 1970s against "South Indians", called "Madrasis" in
Bombay, including Malayali workers, Tamil white-collar workers in
many public sector enterprises, riots on Maharashtra-Karnataka
boundary issues, were followed by sustained violence against Muslims
in the 1980s when Thackeray realized that while being anti-South
Indian could gain him a following in Maharashtra, being anti-Muslim
could make him an all-India leader.

Lately, the Sena also launched a violent campaign against North
Indians, assaulting many young men from U.P. and Bihar who were
coming to Bombay for recruitment into the Indian Railways, while
continuing a high-decibel rant against Bangladeshi "infiltrators" and
"Muslim terrorists" in general. Their defeat, even in their
strongholds in Mumbai and in the Konkan areas, could either be a sign
of organizational weakness, particularly after the succession
struggle between Thackeray's son and nephew, or a sign of public
weariness or both. Hopefully, a new and younger generation of
Maharashtrian youth has sensed the emptiness and thuggishness behind
the Sena's emotive appeals.

But the Congress has to be on guard and realize the significant
amount of cleansing it has to do within its own house before the
specters of the Shiv Sena and their clones and the votaries of
Hindutva can be laid to rest. Pandering to outright Maharashtrian
sub-nationalism by striking ultra-chauvinist postures and being
complicit in historical falsification can extract a heavy toll. One
example is the complete inability to permit even scholarly writing
and debate on a Maharashtrian historical figure like Shivaji as
witnessed by the shameful attack on the famous Bhandarkar Institute
library in Pune where Congress cadres were also involved.

The other is the tailing behind BJP and Shiv Sena on the issue of
Savarkar, the founder of Hindutva, the father of the two-nation
theory long before Jinnah, and a key plotter in the assassination of
Mahatma Gandhi who escaped being charged solely on a legal
technicality, whose portrait now hangs in Parliament, courtesy of the
former BJP regime, opposite that of Gandhi. Only Mani Shankar Aiyar,
now a Minister in the Central Government, had the courage and good
sense to call a spade a spade on the issue of Savarkar. But the
leaders of the Maharashtra Congress ran away from the truth and tried
to outdo the BJP-Sena chauvinists in their fealty to Savarkar. This
approach will not pay dividends in the long run.


Courtesy:Harsh Kapoor/SACW
www.sacw.net






<< November10, 2004 - [India Thinkers Net]Condemnation of steep rise in fuel prices November10, 2004 - [India Thinkers Net]CFJ approaches the Supreme Court >>
India Thinkers Net Archives Index | Subscribe | RSS
Google
 
Web http://archives.zinester.com
Archives powered by Zinester's Mailing List Service
Details on India Thinkers Net
Browse for more newsletters at Zinester's Ezine Directory
Managed by Zinester's Mailing List Management