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Subject: [India Thinkers Net] Riot,rape and fascism news by - May11, 2005




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dnrad1 <dnrad1@sancharnet.in>
Date: Wed May 11, 2005 10:06am
Subject: New dimension to communal tension in Bhilwara  

New dimension to communal tension in Bhilwara
Wednesday, May 11, 2005 THE HINDU
Special Correspondent




JAIPUR: A new aspect of alleged threats and intimidation has been added to the growing communal tension in Bhilwara district of Rajasthan, with the authors of a report - exposing the role of Sangh Parivar in the recent anti-Muslim violence in collusion with the local police officials - being singled out and hounded with the intention to "muzzle criticism".

The booklet, "Fasivad Ki Aahatein" (Footsteps of Fascism), was published early this month to record the findings of a four-member team of People's Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL) that carried out an investigation following the violence in Mandal.

The report has blamed the Bajrang Dal leaders for replicating the Gujarat model to target the Muslim community in the town.

The chief writer of the booklet and a Dalit activist, Bhanwar Meghwanshi, alleged at a Press conference here on Tuesday that while the Bajrang Dal activists had launched a campaign to terrorise him and enforced a social boycott against him, police had also started harassing him and his family members, although no legal case had been made out against him.

"The in-charge of Mandal police station, Bhajju Ram, and the officials under him visited my office in Bhilwara twice on May 4 and 6 and my residence in Sirdias village on May 9 to make enquiries without spelling out the charges against me," Mr. Meghwanshi said. He said the complicity of the State machinery in the attempt to muzzle criticism amounted to an undeclared ban on the booklet.

The copies of the booklet have since been sent to the Inspector General of Police (Intelligence), Omendra Bharadwaj, for a "detailed screening" to find out if it contains the material detrimental to communal harmony. The content providers to the report include Tara Ahluwalia, Prahlad Rai Vyas, Raju Jangid and Abdul Hamid.

The booklet has made a special mention of the Home Minister, Gulab Chand Kataria, while pointing out that he played a dubious role during the violence by taking sides and encouraged the rioters.

In one instance, Mr. Kataria allegedly threatened Muslims by stating: "Even if you don't want it, the Bewan (post-Holi procession) will be taken out in Mandal". Trouble started in Mandal following a rumour that Muslims had hurled stones on the procession.

Provoking people


Mr. Meghwanshi said the Sangh Parivar activists were roaming in Mandal and nearby villages and provoking the people to boycott him by cutting off social relations with him, refuse to supply goods to him and not allow him inside the houses. "The block secretary of Bharatiya Janata Party, Gopal Lal Kumhar, asked me how much money I had received from Muslims for writing the report," he said.

The Dalit activist - who also edits a monthly journal, "Diamond India" - said he would register a complaint with the police against the Bajrang Dal activists intimidating him.

He said even the printer had been warned against publishing the magazine in future, while the Bajrang Dal members had met the Superintendent of Police to demand his arrest.

Mr. Meghwanshi said the Sangh Parivar activists belonging to so-called higher castes were annoyed over Dalits refusing to participate in their hate campaign and the violence in Bhilwara district. Moreover, Dalit officials, activists and lawyers, who took action and extended support to control violence were especially targeted during the past one month.

The civil rights organisations of the State are planning to hold "Nagrik Samvaad" (citizens' dialogue) in all major towns in Bhilwara district between May 20 and 27 as part of their campaign against communalism. Mr. Meghwanshi said the National Human Rights Commission should also send its team to the district to probe into the activities of Sangh Parivar and give directions to the State Government to control

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PRESS STATEMENT: ALL INDIA MAHILA SANSKRITIK SANGATHAN CONDEMNS GANGRAPE OF STUDENT

Citizens of the capital city are shocked by the abduction and gangrape of a student from the South Campus area by miscreants travelling in a car. Delhi has now become the most notorious city for crimes against women. There have been several similar incidents in recent times where victims have been pulled into cars, gangraped and dumped. In all these cases, the police have neither been able to prevent such incidents, nor have they been able to solve such crimes. Even the kidnapping and rape of a diplomat in exactly similar circumstances from the high-profile Siri Fort area remains unsolved to this day. Where the culprits are apprehended, they use money and influence to silence the victim, sometimes even with the connivance of the police and go scot-free. Conviction and punishment are rare. All of this is contributing to an atmosphere of impunity where those committing crimes against women are getting further emboldened. [...]

Issued by

Kusum Singh Secretary All India Mahila Sanskritik Sangathan(AIMSS) Delhi State Organising Committee3a/38 w.e.a. Karol bagh, new delhi-110005 TELEFAX: 011-25726631

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Mahajan's mea culpa
Sack Modi and punish the rioters

Tribune-11-5-05

AT last BJP general secretary Pramod Mahajan has said in so many words what should have been conceded right during the Gujarat riots: they were a "black spot for any civilised society". This has been the assessment of all right-thinking people all along. In good measure, party spokesman Arun Jaitley has asserted that what Mr Mahajan has written in the latest issue of BJP Today only reflects the "party line" on the Gujarat riots. "Both Atal Bihari Vajpayee and L.K. Advani have described the Godhra incident and its aftermath as extremely unfortunate. There is nothing in the article that is against the party line," he has claimed. Okay, so the thesis is that Mr Vajpayee, Mr Advani and Mr Mahajan are on the same wave length. Wonderful!

This convergence should be taken to its logical conclusion by sacking the Gujarat Chief Minister, Mr Narendra Modi, because mere expression of regret carries no meaning. There is nothing that stops the BJP from erasing the "black spot" if there is such "unanimity" among the leadership as is claimed. One can only hope that the party is mature enough to know that Mr Modi had proved to be a millstone round its neck during the last Lok Sabha election. As long as he is retained in power, the party will face a credibility crisis. Vast sections of voters belonging to both the majority and minority communities will have difficulty in reconciling themselves to a person like Mr Modi calling the shots in Gujarat. This is because he is guilty not only of not taking action against the rioters but also of instigating them.

Every now and then the BJP has to face embarrassment on account of the Chief Minister's track record, the refusal of the US to grant him visa being one such instance. And each time the BJP swears by secularism, as distinct from pseudo-secularism, its critics fling Gujarat at it. If the party is sincere in its view on the Gujarat riots, it should take two steps to make it credible - drop the Chief Minister and ensure that the victims of the riots are rehabilitated and the perpetrators of the violence are given deterrent punishment. So long as these two do not happen, articles by Mr Mahajan and endorsements by Mr Jaitley will make no sense.

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[4]

Riotous haste

The Pioneer Edit Desk Date -11-5-05

Time and again, India's existing constitutional mechanisms have failed to prevent communal riots. For instance, the timely enforcement of Section 153(C) of the IPC can effectively check an agent provocateur from going into a sensitive area making inflammatory speeches. Tardy implementation makes a mockery of the law. One can therefore understand the scepticism over the Communal Violence (Suppression) Bill 2005, which was recently drafted and is awaiting the green signal of the National Advisory Council.




The problem with communal violence, as with all other crimes whether murder or dowry deaths, is that its occurence has nothing to do with the lacunae in the laws but, often, plain police apathy and inaction. The common minimum programme of the UPA promised to enact a "model comprehensive law" which was intended to serve as an ideal before the States. However, the draft Bill, the contents of which are already in the public domain, is profound for all the wrong reasons. First, it is far from a "model": It merely talks of introducing a Central law which would apply to all states. Second, a new terminology is being sought to be introduced in the already dense discourse, "communally disturbed area". Third, it seeks to empower an Army officer posted on the scene of a riot to open fire on people suspected of indulging in arson, murder, rape or whatever without waiting for the magistrate's written permission. These three features may be described as arrogant, anti-federal and draconian.



The Congress, doubtless guided by the same divine right theory which guides most of its actions when it is in power, has overstepped the script and this may unnerve the Left. Notwithstanding Article 355 and Item 2A of the Union List of the Constitution, the proposed Act reverses the broad movement towards overarching federalism witnessed since the mid-1990s in respect of new legislations. Declaring a State or its part as "communally disturbed" may be simple if the same party rules both at the Centre and the State. But a pretty messy struggle may ensue in the alternative, which, it is well known, tends to get exacerbated by political compulsions. The bitterness over the provision for declaring "Disturbed Area" in Manipur under the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act is an example. It is indeed ironical that the same regime which promised a review of the Act should now be talking about introducing a new version of the same thing. The overriding powers given to the Army in riot situations do not augur well for either communal peace or the image of a force.



Nobody denies the need for central legislation-a "final solution" as it were-on communal riots. But the panacea should not be worse than the disease. The UPA must realise the tensions that would be caused if it tries to get it passed through Parliament using its numerical superiority. The entire political spectrum should be involved in the process of its evolution. The process of striking national consensus must cover a lot of ground. For instance, the ambiguity that prevails over defining the contours of communalism must end and the question of identifying groups and parties fit for the opprobrium must be settled once and for all.


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