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[1] From: yogi sikand <ysikand@yahoo.com> Date: Thu May 26, 2005 Subject: Jamaat-i Islami Behind Attacks on Ahmadi Minority in Bangladesh THE AHMADIYAS AND THE JAMAAT IN BANGLADESH Jamaat the secret instigator of anti-Ahmadiya attacks: Rashed Khan Menon It is clear to all that Jamaat has the agenda of establishing an Islamic state in Bangladesh, and it does not mince its words in declaring that it wants an Islamic revolution. What makes it formidable is that it is far more organised than AL or BNP, and it will go to any length to fulfil its ambition. The Jamaat-E-Islami, in its attempt to prove itself a democratic political party, tried to prove its innocence and non-involvement in the persecution of the Ahmadiyas by the Islamic zealots, which has been going on for sometime with the active help of the alliance government and its administration. In their talk with Christina Rocca, the US Assistant Secretary of State, the Jamaat's representatives told her that though they consider the Ahmadiyas to be non-Muslims, they are against any act of violence against them and in no way support such persecution. They put the blame on the extremist elements in the Islamic front for such happenings. But things on the ground prove otherwise. In the last incident in Jatindranagar, Satkhira, where the Ahmadiya villages were attacked and looted, their women and children were tortured, the men were not allowed to go to the markets and a signboard was hung in front of their mosque, describing it as a 'prayer hall', with help of the police posted there to prevent such attacks on the Ahmadiyas. The attacks were not only publicly supported by the local MPs from Jamaat but were planned in their office at Satkhira. The local TNO was asked by the Jamaat MPs to act according to dictates of the demonstrators of the Khatme Nabuyat movement. The local Jamaat MP also directed the police not to take any case filed by the Ahmadiyas against these atrocities. The people who took part in the looting of the Ahmadiya village and tortured of their women and children are known activists of the local Jamaat. The local journalists reported the involvement of Jamaat, for which they were threatened with dire consequences. Any impartial enquiry will reveal the direct involvement of the Jamaat in the persecution of the Ahmadiyas in Bogra and Chittagong also. The Jamaat's active involvement in the anti-Ahmadiya movement is not new. The founder of the Jamaat, Moududi, in his attempt to get a foothold in Pakistan politics, raised the issue of Ahmadiyas. Before that Moududi was isolated from the general Muslim population for supporting the British Raj against the independence movement of the subcontinent, particularly in opposing the Pakistan movement. Coming to Pakistan after partition of India, Moududi tried to gain political prominence by raising the Ahmadiya issue and instigated an anti-Kadiani riot in Lahore. The situation became bad enough to force the Pakistan government to impose martial law in Lahore. The martial law authority arrested Moududi and put him on trial. A judicial inquiry committee by Justice Munir and Justice Kayani found the involvement of Moududi and Jamaat in the riot though the Jamaat, in its usual way, denied its involvement. Moududi was given the death sentence by the court for instigating the riot, but the later military regime of Ayub Khan, facing tremendous pressure from Saudi Arabia, commuted that sentence. Moududi and Jamaat, in exchange, helped Ayub's military regime to consolidate its power. Later on the Jamaat turned away from Ayub Khan and joined the opposition movement. But true to its treacherous nature, the Jamaat, in its usual way, stood against the liberation struggle of Bangladesh and collaborated with the Pakistani army in its genocide of the Bengali population, rape of the women, loot and arson. The Jamaat in Bangladesh learnt its lesson from the past and charted out a clever way of re-establishing itself in Bangladesh politics. Taking advantage of the post-'75 political changes, it re-entered the political arena of Bangladesh. It found great political allies in Zia and Ershad, but in a clever manoeuvre it soon joined the opposition movement. After the changes of the '90's, the Jamaat started to assert itself. Besides aligning itself with the BNP it tried to gather all the Islamic forces around it. In this effort it found the Mufti of Baitul Mukarram, Moulana Obaidul Huq, a great ally, and through him started the Khatme Nabuat movement which demanded the declaration of the Ahmadiyas as non-Muslims, as was done in Pakistan by the military regime of General Ziaul Huq at the insistence of the Jamaat. The Khatme Nabuat was also joined by others like the so-called Pir Sahib of Char Monai, Moulana Noorani and others. But the main motivating force behind the anti-Ahmadiya movement is still the Jamaat as it has forced the government to ban the publications of the Ahmadiyas. Though the Jamaat pleads innocence it cannot explain away the publication of the chairman of the standing committee on the religious ministry, Moulana Sayeedi, titled 'Why the Ahmadiyas are not Muslims', published immediately after the ban was imposed. The Amir of Jamaat and industry minister, Matiur Rahman Nizami, is also on record declaring anyone supporting the Ahmadiyas as Kafirs or non-believers. These provocative statements of the leaders of the Jamaat are enough to prove their involvement in the recent persecution of the Ahmadiyas in Bangladesh. They, being in the government, forced the people in the administration to stand against the Ahmadiyas. It is clear to all that Jamaat has the agenda of establishing an Islamic state in Bangladesh, and it does not mince its words in declaring that it wants an Islamic revolution. What makes it formidable is that it is far more organised than AL or BNP, and it will go to any length to fulfil its ambition. --------------------------------------- [2] From: Sukla Sen <suklasen@yahoo.com> Date: Thu May 26, 2005 Subject: The Democratic Right to Buy (and Sell)! suklasen Daily Times May 26, 2005 BJP'S DIRGE ON 'DEMOCRACY' by J Sri Raman The far right has always preferred a holy cloak to hide its true intentions. This is not the first time the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has mounted an offensive on democracy in the name of defending it. Actually the party has done so twice in a single eventful year. A year ago it raised a deafening cry of 'democracy' as it responded with medieval savagery to a mandate given by the Indian people. The moment the Congress under Sonia Gandhi's leadership returned to power in New Delhi, the BJP was up in arms against the formation of the new government under a 'foreigner'. The norms and conventions of the national polity were flouted with contempt, as the defeated and disgraced party resorted to unabashedly reactionary devices to stop the elected leader of the triumphant Congress parliamentary party from taking over as prime minister. A saffron-clad Uma Bharati set off on one of her numerous pilgrimages of political protest. Sushma Swaraj went several horrendous steps farther by threatening to shave off her tresses, start sleeping on the floor and to live on gram if the 'vilayati' were to have her way. The symbols of holy widowhood were expected to evoke a 'Hindutva' wave in the party's favour. By refusing the repeatedly proffered crown, Sonia Gandhi had the better of the BJP. The subsequent far-right fiasco in the Maharashtra assembly election pointed further to the folly of Sonia-bashing. The BJP has never since been at its xenophobic best (worst?). This, however, has not deterred it from trying its deceptive 'democracy' tag once again. On May 22, the first anniversary of the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government, the BJP and its National Democratic Alliance (NDA) sounded the bugle of 'democracy' again in defence of an open mockery of democratic norms, launching an all-out agitation against an alleged betrayal of 'democracy' in Bihar. The 'betrayal' consists of the dissolution of the Bihar state assembly elected three months ago - after the failure of all attempts to form a coalition government. The BJP's case now is that the front led by it was close to cobbling together such a government by splitting one of the parties. The Dalit leader of the party in the question, Lok Janashakti Party (LJP), Ram Vilas Paswan, had repeatedly and emphatically declared its equidistance from the BJP and the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) of Lalu Prasad (Yadav), the far right's bete noire. The BJP has for days been gloating over its success in grabbing the support of several newly elected LJP legislators, disgruntled with the long delay in the formation of government. The party has taken this group of legislators on all-expenses-paid excursions to places in Bihar and neighbouring Jharkhand (under the party's own rule). The BJP is now writing a dirge on 'democracy' claiming that it has been barred from tasting the fruits of the LJP factionalism that it has worked so hard to fuel. Strange but true, much of the mainstream media including the television channels and the holier-than-thou middle class see no trace of irony in this outrage and tirade against the 'murder of democracy'. The current agitation may prove no bigger a success than the 'anti-foreigner' crusade. There, however, seems to be no end in sight to the paralysis of India's parliament resulting from the BJP-NDA's tactics on the issue of 'tainted ministers', the collective label that has come to refer above all to Lalu Prasad. Whether a solution to the impasse will be found in the fresh Bihar elections (to be held within six months) remains to be seen. A win, say some Bihar watchers, may see Lalu's return to his state from the rough and tumble of his political journey as a union railway minister. But for Bihar, the first anniversary of the UPA government has been a rather tame affair. The technocrat prime minister himself gave his government's performance six marks out of ten. Evaluations by others sounded more like economists' reports - the kind that make little or no sense to the layman. Buried amid all the balance sheets, which dealt with esoteric subjects like a double-digit growth, were more basic questions. No one, not even the Left, bothered to assess the advance made in this one year towards peace, internal and regional, endangered more than anything else under the NDA regime. Pokharan II and the Gujarat carnage were the two events after all that drew the widest international attention during the Vajpayee government. The threats represented by the desert blasts and the Narendra Modi pogrom, however, have not engaged the UPA government's attention to any degree. The India-Pakistan 'peace process' envisages no reversal of the post-Pokharan II process that makes South Asia one of the world's danger spots. The government has come out with a draft comprehensive bill to deal with communal disturbances. The draft, however, only threatens to vest the federal government with formidable, draconian powers. Enactment of the bill can endanger communal peace even more in the event of the BJP returning to power in New Delhi. _______ |
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