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Subject: [India Thinkers Net]More on Split in the Brigade - June22, 2005



From: Sukla Sen <suklasen@yahoo.com>
Date: Tue Jun 21, 2005
Subject: More on Split in the Brigade from a Sympathetic Observer  


http://www.expressindia.com/fullstory.php?newsid=49188&headline=Don't~dismiss~BJP,~or~Advani

Don't dismiss BJP, or Advani

Neerja Chowdhury
Posted online: Tuesday, June 21, 2005 at 0951 hours
IST
Updated: Tuesday, June 21, 2005 at 1306 hours IST

L K Advani Whatever happens to him personally, L.K.
Advani has shifted the debate in the BJP, the Sangh
Parivar, and indeed in the subcontinent, on the
definition of secularism and the role of Jinnah,
Nehru, Gandhi. The issue is not going to die down
easily. At the heart of what Advani is trying to
convey is a bald truth: the BJP has to shed its
anti-Muslim image if it is to be a serious claimant to
power.

The stand seems to have provoked RSS chief, K.S
Sudarshan, into also making Muslim-friendly noises.
That the Sangh sarsanghchalak should suddenly feel the
need to lambast those who project the RSS as ???Muslim
bashers??? is interesting. Sudarshan, in his recent
speech, also expressed his admiration for Indira
Gandhi. This, of course, is not new. But here again it
is the timing of the statement ??” that the late PM was
an ???iron lady??? ??” which is significant. The RSS chief
seems to have two objectives in saying this. One, he
is drawing Advani??™s attention to what leadership is
all about. She gave a fitting reply to Pakistan in
1971 and carved out Bangladesh, but he (Advani) went
to Pakistan and praised the man responsible for
dividing India. Two, it??™s a veiled warning to the BJP
that the Sangh can withdraw its support, if it does
not return to its core agenda. There have been moments
in the past when the RSS had put its weight behind the
Congress ??” as, for instance, in the run-up to the 1984
elections following Indira Gandhi??™s assassination, and
earlier in the Jammu and Delhi polls.

Taking these signals together, it is clear that the
RSS is not going to ease its pressure on Advani. Or on
the BJP. Its line is clear: the former must quit, the
latter must fall in line, organisationally and
ideologically.

While Advani??™s decision to withdraw his resignation
has eroded his authority within the party, he may have
saved the BJP from coming totally under RSS control.
Had Advani walked into the sunset on an issue like
Jinnah, on which he had little support in the BJP or
in the country, the RSS would have got to dominate it
totally.


Now, with Advani refusing to oblige the RSS, a fierce
battle is underway for the party??™s mind and soul, even
though the BJP is not likely to sever its links with
the Sangh. Nor is the party likely to split. Ever
since the Jan Sangh??™s inception, there have been
periodic attempts to loosen the RSS??™s hold on party
functioning. For instance, it was more autonomous
under Shyama Prasad Mookherjee. It also had a degree
of independence in the mid-60s, when anti-Congressism
came to the fore, and yet again in 1977, when the Jan
Sangh merged itself in the Janata Party. The six years
of Vajpayee rule, too, saw an effort to distance the
party from the Sangh. Traditionally, the Sangh has
tried to wield control through the party organising
secretary, many of whom were Sangh appointees. But
tension has characterised the relationship. When the
BJP emerged in 1980 after the ???dual membership???
tussle, Vajpayee had asserted that the party should be
run as an autonomous entity, even while maintaining
its ties with the RSS. The current tussle, then, is
not new.

The RSS??™s problems with the BJP were compounded over
the last six years because both Vajpayee and Advani
were so much more senior than the top Sangh leaders.
In any case, the party was in power then and Sangh
leaders had to trot across to meet Vajpayee and
Advani, rather than the other way around ??” which had
been the established norm.

Today, neither Advani nor Vajpayee can be wished away
so easily. Less so when they continue to bat on the
same side. The RSS may want to convert the party into
an ideological club, but the party knows that this
would marginalise it politically in an era of
coalitions.

Fifteen years ago, when he was atop the rath rousing
people to build the temple in Ayodhya, who could have
imagined that a day would come when it would be the
RSS calling for Advani??™s head for betraying the
Hindutva cause. But the more they bay for his blood,
the more his image gets moderated. For years Advani
had been trying to become a Vajpayee, without success.
With the Jinnah controversy, he has come the closest
ever to achieving this.

Advani??™s decision to withdraw his resignation
indicates that he would like to choose his own timing
on the issue of his departure. His major
miscalculation was to imagine that the party would
stand by him on the Jinnah issue ??” just as its did
when Sudarshan had asked him and Vajpayee to make way
for younger leaders. That did not happen.

In their bid to convert the BJP into the kind of soft
Hindu, right-of-centre party ??” like the Congress used
to be before 1947 ??” Vajpayee and Advani may have
banked on the plurality of opinion within the Sangh
coming to their aid. But, such is the Sangh??™s
functioning, only the dominant line is visible.

Yet, for all the disarray in its ranks, it would be
foolish to dismiss the BJP because it has a core
constituency even in the worst of times. Similarly, it
would be premature to dismiss Advani. Could he lead a
coalition four years down the line or whenever
elections are held, even though he appears to have
overplayed his hand at this moment? The regional
parties are on the ascent. A double-digit BJP will be
way ahead of any other regional party. But, of course,
much will depend on how fit Advani is to meet this
challenge, both physically and politically.
 





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