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Subject: [India Thinkers Net]Book Review: On Pakistani Dalits - September22, 2005



From: yogi sikand <ysikand@yahoo.com>
Date: Wed Sep 21, 2005
Subject: Book Review: On Pakistani Dalits  
 

DALITS IN PAKISTAN

BOOK REVIEW

Name of the Book: Hamey Bhi Jeeney Do: Pakistan Mai
Acchoot Logon ki Suratehal (Urdu) [???Let us Also Live:
The Situation of the Untouchables in Pakistan??™]
Author: Pirbhu Lal Satyani (pirbhu_m@...)
Publisher: ASR Resource Centre, Lahore, Pakistan
(asr@...)
Year: 2005
Price: Rs. 20 (Pakistani)
Reviewed by: Yoginder Sikand

Caste, the scourge of Hinduism, is so deeply
entrenched in Indian society that it has not left the
adherents of Islam, Sikhism, Christianity and
Buddhism??”theoretically egalitarian
religions??”unaffected. So firmly rooted is the cancer
of caste in the region that it survives and thrives in
neighbouring Pakistan, where over 95% of the
population are Muslims, as this slim book tells us.

Pirbhu Lal Satyani, the author of the book, is a
Pakistani Hindu social activist based in Lahore,
working among the Dalits in his country. Of Pakistan??™s
roughly 3 million Hindu population, he says, over 75%
are Dalits, belonging to various castes, the most
prominent being Meghwals, Odhs, Valmikis, Kohlis and
Bhils. They reside mainly in southern Punjab and
Sindh. Satyani provides startling details about the
plight of the Dalits of Pakistan, which appears to be
no different from that of the Dalits of India.

In a speech in 1944, Satyani writes, Mohammad Ali
Jinnah, the founder of Pakistan, declared that the
Muslim League would protect the rights of the Dalits,
and he assured them of full security. Accordingly,
Jogendra Nath Mondal, a Dalit from East Bengal, was
appointed as the leader of the Constituent Assembly of
Pakistan and the first Law Minister of the country.
This suggests, Satyani says, that Jinnah was genuine
in his concern for the Dalits of Pakistan. However,
things began to change after Jinnah??™s death, and in
1953 Mondal resigned from the Cabinet and migrated to
India. This was an indication of the growing
intolerance towards minorities in post-Jinnah
Pakistan. Today, as Satyani shows, minorities lead a
bleak existence in Pakistan, the worst sufferers among
them being the country??™s Dalits.

Following the Partition of India, Satyani says, most
Hindus living in what is now Pakistan migrated to
India. The vast majority of those who stayed back in
Pakistan were Dalits. In the years after the
Partition, he writes, there has been a steady
migration of Hindus to India, especially in the
immediate aftermath of the 1965 and 1971 wars between
India and Pakistan. The destruction of the Babri
Masjid in India in 1992 and the ensuing massacre of
Muslims in different parts of India by Hindutva
extremists, led to a heightening of insecurity among
the Pakistani Hindus, causing a sizeable number of
them to migrate to India. Most of these migrants were
???upper??™ caste Hindus. Lacking money and resources,
Dalits in Pakistan were unable to make the same
choice. In addition, Satyani writes, ???The Dalits are
so caught up with mere day-to-day survival issues that
Hindu-Muslim conflicts or Pakistan-India disputes are
not as important for them as they are for rich ???upper??™
caste Hindus??™. To add to this probably is the fact
that life for Dalits in India is hardly better than in
Pakistan.

Most Pakistani Dalits work as landless agricultural
labourers and sweepers, Satyani writes. In rural areas
their huts are located in separate settlements outside
the main village and they generally lack even basic
amenities. Large numbers of Dalits also lead a nomadic
existence, traveling from village to village in search
of manual work. Many Dalits live in temporary
structures in the land of landlords for whom they work
and they can be expelled from their whenever the
landlords wish, having no title to the land. They
generally earn a pittance and are often forced into
free labour by powerful ???upper??™ caste Hindu and
Muslim feudal lords. Many Dalits eke out a miserable
existence as bonded labourers, being heavily indebted
to landlords and moneylenders. If they protest false
cases are lodged against them and the police does
little or nothing to protect them. Local
administrative officers routinely harass them and even
forcibly take away their cattle and other such
belongings. Land mafias in rural Sindh often forcibly
grab the land on which Dalits set up their huts. In
most places Dalits have no temples of their own. They
have few places where they can burn their dead, and
many of these are illegally occupied by local Muslims.


In schools in the villages, Satyani tells us, Dalit
students routinely face discrimination and are not
allowed to use utensils that are used by other
students. In schools Dalit students are often badly
treated by Muslim teachers and students. Despite being
the poorest of the poor, they do not receive any
scholarships on the grounds that money for
scholarships comes from zakat funds and hence it is
not permissible for non-Muslims to avail of them.
Further, owing to desperate poverty few Dalits can
afford to send their children for higher education,
and, generally, children are withdrawn from school at
an early age to engage in manual work to help
supplement the family??™s meagre income. In many cases,
Dalits do not send their girls to school fearing that
they might be kidnapped, raped or forced to convert to
Islam.

In towns and cities Dalits generally live in the
poorest parts, in squalid slums. There are no
organizations working among them for their welfare,
and, lacking a strong political leadership of their
own, they are not able to effectively assert their
voice in demanding their rights from the state or from
the larger society, not even to protest in cases of
human rights violations. Many of them do not possess
national identity cards, and so cannot access various
government developmental schemes. Government
facilities for religious minorities are almost
monopolized by the country??™s more powerful and
organized Christian and ???upper??™ caste Hindu
communities, leaving the Dalits untouched.


Because of acute poverty, rampant illiteracy and
discrimination and the absence of a Dalit movement as
in India, Dalits in Pakistan have no political
influence at all, Satyani says. In many places, Dalits
are not allowed to freely vote for candidates of their
own choice. They are often forced by powerful ???upper??™
caste Hindu and Muslim landlords to vote for
particular candidates, and if they are refused they
are pressurized into leaving their homes or are beaten
up. The problem of Dalit political marginalisation is
complicated by the acute divisions among the Dalits,
with various Dalit castes practicing untouchability
among themselves. For its part, the Pakistani state,
Satyani says, prefers to promote the economically and
socially more influential ???upper??™ caste Hindus as
???leaders??™ of the Hindus, instead of trying to promote
an alternate Dalit leadership. Thus, for instance, in
2002, of the nine seats reserved for the Sindh
provincial assembly for religious minorities, seven
were for Hindus and only one for Dalits, while Dalits
account for more than 70% of the Hindu population of
the province. The state??™s lack of commitment to
helping the Dalits is also evident from the fact that
despite there being some 3,50,000 Dalits in southern
Punjab (mainly in the Rahim Yar Khan and Bahawalpur
districts) there are no reserved seats for Dalits or
Hindus in the provincial assembly. All the seats
reserved for minorities in the assembly for minorities
are occupied by Christians. Further, government
affirmative policies meant especially for Dalits have
been done away with, Satyani writes. While Jinnah had
provided a 6% job quota for Dalits in some government
services, in 1998 the government of Nawaz Sharif,
assisted by some ???upper??™ caste Hindu and Christian
leaders, changed the Dalit quota to a general
minorities??™ quota, thus effectively denying Dalits
assured access to government jobs.

Dalits, like other minorities in Pakistan, Satyani
tells us, are also victims of religious
discrimination, by both Muslims as well as ???upper??™
caste Hindus. Despite the Hindus being a minority in
Pakistan, ???upper??™ caste Hindus continue to
discriminate against the Dalits. Generally, Dalits are
refused entry into Hindu temples belonging to the
???upper??™ castes. ???Upper??™ caste Hindu landlords and
businessmen in Sindh, Satyani writes, show little
concern for the plight of the Dalits, and, instead,
are often complicit, along with Muslim feudal lords,
in oppressing them. As in large parts of India, in
eateries in the rural areas of Sindh, owned both by
???upper??™ caste Hindus as well Muslims, Dalits are
forced to use separate utensils and are expected to
wash them themselves after use. When they visit
hospitals for treatment they are generally left
unattended and, being considered as untouchables, are
not allowed to touch utensils meant for public use
there. Often, Dalit women are gang-raped, murdered or
are forced to convert to Islam, but no action is taken
against the perpetrators of these crimes. Besides
this, due to discrimination by ???upper??™ caste Hindus,
many Dalits have converted to Islam and Christianity
on their own.

Satyani ends his book with a list of recommendations
for addressing the plight of Dalits in his country. He
suggests that the government of Pakistan should insist
that the question of Dalit human rights and
amelioration of their pathetic conditions be placed as
part of the SAARC agenda. This, presumably, would
force all the SAARC member states, including India, to
take the issue of caste oppression seriously. He calls
for the setting up of a national commission in
Pakistan to monitor the conditions of the country??™s
Dalits and to work for their welfare. Dalits, he says,
should be given reserved seats in the National and
Provincial Assemblies in accordance with their
population as well as adequate representation in all
government services. In areas with a high Dalit
population, councils should be created by the state
for development of the Dalits. All ???black laws??™
against religious minorities should be repealed,
Satyani advises, and to improve relations between
different religious communities the educational
curriculum should be revised and negative portrayals
of non-Muslim communities and their religions should
be deleted. Landless labourers should be granted
titles to land; Hindu, including Dalit, employees
should be given holidays on the occasion of their
festivals; Dalit communities that do not have any
cremation grounds of their own should be provided with
such facilities; Dalits should be given the right to
use public wells and taps and to live within the
villages, instead, as of now, outside them; and Hindu
temples presently under the control of the Waqf
Department should be given back to the community. In
schools with a sizeable Hindu population, Hindu
children should be provided facilities to study their
own religion instead of Islam.

Whether the state authorities willing to accede to
these demands, however, is another question.

* * * * * * *

Pirbhu Lal Satyani can be contacted on
pirbhu_m@...

Indian Dalit readers could help Pirbhu Lal by sending
him Dalit literature in English or Urdu.
 









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