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Subject: [India Thinkers Net]Book Review: Muslims in Secular India - October04, 2005



From: yogi sikand <ysikand@yahoo.com>
Date: Mon Oct 3, 2005
Subject: Book Review: Muslims in Secular India: Problems and Prospects in Education  

Mushirul Hasan, "Muslims in Secular India: Problems
and Prospects in Education", New Delhi: Academy of
Third World Studies, Jamia Millia Islamia, 2003.


This slim booklet provides a general overview of
Muslim education in contemporary India. The author
notes the paucity of research on the actual living
conditions, including state of education, among the
Indian Muslims. State authorities, he says, do not
publish data on Muslims, on ostensible ???political??™
grounds, while Muslim institutions, for their part,
have hardly done any field-based surveys. In this
regard, the author points to both ???intellectual
lethargy??™ of sections of the Indian bureaucracy and
political class as well as their resistance to
accepting ???religious minorities??™ as a distinct
category, stemming from the fear that ???acquiescence in
legitimizing the Muslim minority as a separate entity??™
would somehow contravene the notion of an ???exclusive
Indian nation??™. This fear the author dismisses as
untenable since constitutional guarantees already
exist for religious minorities as well as for the
Scheduled Castes and Tribes and the Other Backward
Classes.

Muslim educational backwardness, Hasan says, is
largely a product of Muslim poverty and neglect by the
state. The vast majority of the Indian Muslims work as
landless labourers, small or marginal peasants,
artisans, petty shopkeepers and the like. More than
half the urban Muslim population lives below the
poverty line, and, as compared to Hindus,
proportionately a considerably higher number of
Muslims are self-employed. Given their structural
location in the economy and the perception of
discrimination, relatively few Muslims can afford or
aspire to higher education. To add to this is the
widespread opposition among many Muslims to higher
education among Muslim girls, who are among the least
educated sections of Indian society. It is widely
believed that higher education would diminish girls??™
chances of getting good husbands, given the relative
paucity of Muslim men with higher education, and the
fact that less educated men are generally reluctant to
marry women who are better educated than them. Another
major cause for Muslim educational backwardness,
particularly in north India, where most Muslims live,
are the systematic discriminatory policies of the
state concerning Urdu. Since Urdu is no longer taught
in most state schools and since the language has lost
its earlier organic connection with the economy, it
remains largely confined to madrasas, which is one
reason why many Muslim families prefer to send their
children to madrasas than to state schools.

Given the pathetic state of Muslim education in India,
the author stresses the need for affirmative action
policies on the part of the state aimed at promoting
education in the community. Short of reservations for
all Muslims, which might prove to be too politically
volatile at this particular juncture, the author calls
for the state to extend the various development
projects and schemes that it has launched for the
Scheduled Castes and Tribes to economically deprived
sections among the Muslims as well. Hasan notes that
the state has, from time to time, announced various
schemes for ???minority development??™ but laments that
there has been no effective monitoring of their actual
implementation. No one seems to know who the
beneficiaries of the schemes are. Much of the funds
released for these projects have remained unutilized;
there is little co-ordination between the Union and
state government bodies responsible for implementing
them; the schemes are not properly advertised; and
there is an absence of interaction with community
leaders about them.

The author also calls for new and more contextually
relevant understandings of Islam and Islamic education
for Muslims to take the question of education more
seriously. He approvingly quotes Sir Sayyed Ahmad
Khan, founder of the Aligarh movement, who appealed
for Muslims to modernize their understanding of Islam,
believing that the confirmed facts of science could
not be opposed to Islam as he understood it. This
urgent task, Hasan believes, is fraught with numerous
hurdles, not least being the opposition that it is
bound to face from sections of the ulama. In this
regard he quotes Muhammad Ibrahim, Chairman of the
Minorities??™ Commission of Madhya Pradesh, who argues
that many ulama have a vested interest in preserving
the madrasas as their strongholds. Many ulama, he
says, have little or no familiarity with the world
around them, excel in sectarian controversies and see
???everyone else as ignorant, irreligious and
atheistic??™. In this regard, Hasan sees the suspicion
with which many ulama have greeted state proposals for
madrasa ???modernisation??™ as stemming, in part, from the
fear that this might effectively challenge their
monopoly and provide the state with an excuse to
interfere in their functioning, in particular in
monitoring the funds that they garner from the public.
While this might well be true, it reflects a rather
na??ve approach to the state??™s overall policy towards
the madrasas, which reflects an understanding that the
madrasas need to be brought in line with the
???mainstream??™, which is defined in essentially??? upper??™
caste Hindu terms. Hasan also ignores the Hindutva
propaganda against the madrasas, which is also
reflected in official pronouncements emanating from
top bureaucrats and government officials with an
undisguised sympathy for Hindutva-brand ???nationalism??™.

Yet, Hasan also notes with appreciation that a few
ulama do support modern education and, in several
states, have affiliated themselves with state-approved
madrasa education boards and, accordingly, have
introduced some basic modern subjects in their
curricula. He is appreciative of the efforts of some
ulama to bridge the gap between the traditional and
modern systems of education, and insists on the
???desperate need of a constructive and bold humanism
that can restate and reinterpret Islamic educational
ideas in the contemporary social and cultural
environment??™. He pleads for what he calls ???a
fundamental reconstruction of Muslim educational
thought??™.

Although Hasan appears critical of the refusal on the
part of many ulama to brook any reforms in the madrasa
system, he insists that the rhetoric about madrasas as
training grounds for ???terrorists??™ is misplaced and
erroneous. Despite being ???conservative??™, they are,
Hasan says, ???opposed to fundamentalism??™. What they
offer their students, he says, may be the ???fulfillment
of desires for individual empowerment, transcendent
meaning and social morality that do not engage
directly with national or global politics at all??™.
The growth in the numbers of madrasas in recent years,
he says, is not because of any conspiracy, as their
detractors allege, but, rather, because the state has
not done enough to promote modern education as well as
economic mobility among Muslims. Consequently, poor
Muslims, who cannot afford to send their children to
school, choose to send them to madrasas instead, where
they receive free education, boarding and lodging.
Given the role that madrasas are playing in providing
education to large numbers of Muslims, particularly
from poor families, Hasan appeals for the state to
treat the madrasas with ???sympathy and understanding,
rather than with suspicion and disdain??™. In this way,
the state could work along with the madrasas to
promote mutually agreed reforms in their curriculum
and teaching methods.

Hasan concludes this essay by reiterating his appeal
for the state to take a more pro-active role in
promoting modern education and economic development
among Muslims. He also appeals for Muslim community
leaders to take the question of education with the
seriousness that it deserves. He calls for the setting
up of a Muslim Educational Board to help promote both
reforms in modern schools and madrasas, and suggests
that Sufi shrines and Waqf Boards, with the vast money
at their disposal, also set up modern educational
institutions catering to the poor among the community.




 





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