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Subject: [India Thinkers Net]Narmada dam,Bush visit,energy news etc - March02, 2006



[1]

From: Regi P George <george_regi@yahoo.com>
Date: Wed Mar 1, 2006
Subject: Has the Construction Advisory Committee Cleared Sardar Sarovar Dam Height Raise to 121 metres??  


Narmada Bachao Andolan
62 Mahatma Gandhi Marg, Badwani, Madhya Pradesh. Ph: (07290) 222464
   c/o B-13 Shivam Flats, Ellora Park, Baroda, Gujarat. Ph: (0265) 2282232
   Maitri Niwas, Tembewadi, Dhadgaon, district Nandurbar, Maharashtra. Ph:
(02595) 220620
   March 1, 2006

  Has the Construction Advisory Committee Cleared Sardar Sarovar Dam Height
Raise to 121 metres??

  It appears that the Sardar Sarovar Construction Advisory Committee (SSCAC)
has cleared the construction aspect of the Sardar Sarovar dam upto the
height of 121.92 metres, from the present height of 110.64 metres. If this
is true, it is indeed shocking as this just points to the fact that the
governments are indeed determined to raise the dam height, even if it means
violation of the Supreme Court's orders and destitution and homelessness of
thousands and thousands of families in the submergence area.

  The Resettlement & Rehabilitation (R&R) Sub-Group of the Narmada Control
Authority (NCA) is still to give clearance for the height raise. Even though
the three states of Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra and Gujarat are all claiming
that rehabilitation has been completed, this is far from the truth. The
Action Taken Reports (ATRs) apparently have been submitted to the Centre by
the three states in order to ask for clearance. However, these ATR's have
not been made public. They have not been verified by the NCA or by the Gram
Sabhas (village bodies). Yet, they are being used to try and push the
project ahead.

  In M.P., the government has resorted to doling out cash compensation
instead of land, which is a violation of the Narmada Tribunal Award and
Supreme Court's orders. In addition, the Centre has clearly taken a position
that giving cash instead of land will not be considered as rehabilitation.
In the meeting of the R&R Sub-Group of the NCA held on 12th September, 2005
in New Delhi, the Centre took a clear position against the cash
compensation.

  Another Application in this regard has again been filed in the Supreme
Court of India by the affected families of the valley. However, before this
case can come up for hearing, the governments seem to be rushing the process
to get clearance before the truth is revealed before the Court.

  The Centre also took a clear stand that the Maharashtra government must
allot 2 hectares of agricultural land to major sons, as per the Court's
order, as opposed to the 1 hectare land that they have been giving until
now. However, the Maharashtra officials have issued a clear statement that
they WILL NOT give 2 hectares to major sons. It seems that they are willing
to openly flout the Court's orders.

  The Prime Minister had directed on November 22, 2004 that the Minister of
Water Resources must visit the Narmada Valley and check on the claims of
rehabilitation before the height is raised any further. This visit, while
must awaited by us, has still not taken place. The state leaders have
cheated and bluffed the Water Resources Minister by giving him incorrect
briefing about the completion of rehabilitation works in the valley. Hence,
we really urge the Minister, Shri Soz, to visit the region and see the
situation for himself.

  In addition, it is startling to note that the R&R Sub-Group, which is
charged with the monitoring of rehabilitation measures, has not visited the
submergence area since November 2000! Hence, clearances have been given to
raise the dam height merely by paperwork, most of it FALSE, done sitting in
Bhopal, Mumbai, Gandhinagar and Delhi, without any checking being done on
the ground. It is no wonder then that grave injustice is being done to the
people of the valley.

  This is all due to the morally bankrupt politics of Narendra Modi (CM of
Gujarat) and Shivrajsingh Chauhan (CM of MP) who have never visited the
valley and do not understand the massive scale of displacement and human
tragedy they are causing. Modi, of course, is used to genocide even in his
own state! Why then will he care about displacement of tribals and other
poor families? But it is upto the Centre to take a strong stand in keeping
with their promise not to allow displacement without rehabilitation in their
election manifesto, the Common Minimum Program (CMP).


  It has taken the last 25 years to resettle 11,000 families. How then will
35,000 families just in Madhya Pradesh be resettled within even the next 5
to 10 years, especially when M.P. has no cultivable land to offer to people
nor the political will to follow through on its promises?

  The Gujarat Congress too must take a position on this. They must not allow
rampant trampling of peoples' rights, especially at a time when the cost of
the project to Gujarat is very very high and the benefits are not coming
through. The canal network is still not ready; as a result the water at 110
metres is also not being used fully. The canals have been breaking, as
happened in monsoon of 2004 and 2005, causing tremendous loss of crops and
homes in areas that were inundated. The reports of organisations in Gujarat
who are monitoring the Narmada Drinking Water Pipeline Project clearly show
that the drinking water is going to only a fraction of the villages that was
claimed. In addition, M.P. and Maharashtra have not received any significant
amount of power from the project either.

  At this stage, Rupees 20,000 crores are still remaining to be spent on the
Project. Over 40,000 families are still to be resettled. The task is a
Herculean one, and will only be completed by doing grave injustice to the
people affected.

  Hence, this is the time to review this project before it goes any further.
Let the waters at 110 metres be used properly and all affected people
rehabilitated justly. Let the balance money be used for small decentralized
water projects in Gujarat, which would bring far more benefit to the people
of Gujarat. We are afraid the Centre will regret if it gives in to Gujarat
right now and grants any further clearance without thoroughly investigating
the ground situation.


  Ashish Mandloi             Yogini Khanolkar         Kamal Awasya
Noorji Padvi
  Jamalbhai                      Dipti Bhatnagar             Umesh Patidar
Medha Patkar

------------------------
[2]

From: Hussain Hyder Ali Khowaja <hhalik@yahoo.com>
Date: Wed Mar 1, 2006
Subject: Thousands of Indians Protest Bush Visit  


http://news.yahoo.com/s/ap/20060301/ap_on_re_as/india_us_protests
   
Thousands of Indians Protest Bush Visit

--------------------

[3]

From: rkurian@bgl.vsnl.net.in
Date: Wed Mar 1, 2006
Subject: An "Assertive" India .... ..from the NYT  


http://www.nytimes.com/2006/02/28/international/asia/28india.html?pagewanted
=print

--------------------------------------------------------------------

February 28, 2006
An Assertive India Girds for Negotiations With Bush
By SOMINI SENGUPTA

NEW DELHI, Feb. 27 - When President Bush lands in India early Wednesday, he
will encounter an ever ambivalent American ally with one important
difference from the past: this India has new power to assert its views, some
of which align with Mr. Bush's agenda and some of which do not.

Much has changed, in fact, since the last visit here by an American
president, in 2000, when President Clinton's address to the Indian
Parliament was received so enthusiastically that lawmakers climbed over
benches to shake his hand.

Facing prospects of protests, President Bush is not expected to address
Parliament at all. But that is not to say that India has morphed into an
anti-American redoubt. There is still in most quarters enthusiasm for
relations.

But in the past six years, India has also become a more confident partner -
in trade and in America's campaigns against terrorism and nuclear
proliferation - which touch India both obliquely and directly as it looks
abroad in pursuit of its own interests like never before. Meanwhile, India's
endemic prickliness shows no signs of remission.

Pratap Bhanu Mehta, president of the nonpartisan Center for Policy Research
in New Delhi, sees in his country what he calls "a great admiration for U.S.
power," a capacity that many Indians find worthy of emulation. "This is a
power that acts independently, acts freely, is not constrained," he said.
"It's not so much an anti-American view than wanting to replicate that."

That fine balance is most visible in talks over whether to reward India with
access to American nuclear technology, an issue about which both sides would
like to announce a deal this week. They are not there yet, as the talks rub
up against the one thing that many Indians, particularly in the political
elite, hold dear: the idea of India's independence.

Little else may actually unite opinion here. Indeed, the many shades of
political opinion found in this feisty country of one billion defy any easy
rendering - of an India as either for or against the United States. India
has fundamentalists of the Hindu and Muslim persuasion, Maoist guerrillas,
free marketers, newly minted millionaires and Marxist lawmakers with posters
of Che Guevara on their office walls.

The Pew Global Attitudes Project found Indians last year to be among the
most cheerful in their appraisal of both the United States and President
Bush. In a survey published this week in the Indian newsweekly Outlook,
two-thirds of Indians "strongly" or "somewhat" regarded Mr. Bush as "a
friend of India," even as 72 percent called the United States "a bully."

In the same survey, conducted by A. C. Nielsen, nearly two-thirds of
respondents said India should go its own way and defy American objections on
a natural gas pipeline to Iran. Perhaps most striking, fewer than half the
Indians surveyed said they would want to "settle down in the U.S."

The conflicting currents come as relations between the countries have
undergone a revolution, and are more entwined than ever before, making
commonplace today what would have been unthinkable even a few years ago.

Indians are buying American arms. The two military powers are conducting
joint counterinsurgency exercises. Indians are among the fastest growing
immigrant groups in the United States, and charity money from America -
something that would be held in suspicion in the recent past - is helping to
train Indian nurses to care for people with AIDS.

But it is the nuclear deal that is potentially most fraught for both sides.
In contradiction to its stand against nuclear proliferation with countries
like Iran, the White House has promised India access to civilian nuclear
technology, provided that New Delhi comes up with a plan to separate its
civilian and military programs.

As beneficial as such a deal would be to this vast, energy-starved nation,
it is this demand that has exposed a deep vein of postcolonial pride in the
Indian political culture. Why, even pro-American voices are asking, should
Washington be allowed to exert leverage over the contours of the nuclear
program in India, long a defiant opponent of the global nonproliferation
treaty?

"No matter what your position is on whether you think India should have a
big nuclear program or a small nuclear program, a lot of people are saying,
'Hang on, weren't we told this choice is ours?' " said Mr. Mehta, the
political analyst. "It's an attachment to India's own sovereignty, also to
what we think India's own capability is."

Even the most avid proponents of the new partnership are circling the
sovereignty wagons. A senior Indian government official, who did not want to
be quoted for fear of jeopardizing the continuing talks, said the future
course of relations might hinge on the tendency of the Bush White House to
cast nations as either adversary or ally.

India, the official made clear, can be neither. "This is a very
sovereignty-conscious country," the official said.

The nuclear talks are moving neither as swiftly nor as smoothly as either
Washington or New Delhi had hoped. India insists that its own strategic
interests must be placed before the imperatives of the White House.

Nor have the quid pro quo suggestions made by the American ambassador in
India, David C. Mulford, gone down particularly well: in exchange for
nuclear cooperation, Mr. Mulford suggested in an interview with an Indian
news agency earlier this month, India would have to take a stance against
Iran's nuclear ambitions, cooperation that Washington clearly cherishes.

Such a diplomatic tempest did his remarks cause that the embassy later took
pains to say Mr. Mulford's comments had been misinterpreted.

As it happened, India voted against Iran at the early February meeting of
the International Atomic Energy Agency. Later, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh
was prompted to reassure Parliament that India's vote was based only on its
national interest.

On Monday, the prime minister again went to Parliament to reassure lawmakers
that India's national security would not be compromised, notwithstanding
American demands. "We remain firm in that the decision of what facilities
may be identified as civilian will be made by India alone, and not by anyone
else," he said. More to the point, he maintained that India engaged in
negotiations only as "an equal partner."

A glimpse of how varied India regards its new suitor is clearly on display
in Hyderabad, in the heart of the country, which Mr. Bush will visit on
Friday.

In the shadow of a four-pillared monument called the Charminar, grape
sellers, tailors and college students quietly curse America's treatment of
the Muslim world. The Charminar, like Hyderabad itself, was built by the
Iranians who conquered this part of the country 500 years ago. It stands as
a testament to what the Indian government repeatedly describes as its
"civilizational" ties to Iran as well as to the political significance of
Muslim public opinion in this country. India's Muslim population is second
in size only to Indonesia's.

"They talk about democracy, but democracy is on their lips," a tailor named
Abdul Karim said. "In their heart, it's bullying."

Kodandaram Reddy, 50, a professor of political science at Osmania
University, discerned a certain generational gap, with young Indians less
troubled by the prospect of American domination than those of his
generation.

"They think one need not be too scared about white people, we can handle
them," Mr. Reddy offered. "It's na??ve to think it's always possible to talk
it over. It's not possible. Especially not with the Americans."

In fact, in the courtyard of the Cyber Towers building can be found those
young men and women who have cashed in, like no other generation of Indians,
on the mighty possibilities of American outsourcing.

They seemed the most confident that India was capable of splitting the
difference, reaping the benefits of its new ties to America while keeping
its more powerful ally at a safe distance.

Swathi Reddy, 25, said she was swiftly hired by an American company as soon
as she graduated from engineering college. Had she graduated even a few
years earlier, she would have had to wait for work. "It's a very good
thing," she said of the new United States-India partnership. "We are
benefiting the most."

Arun Chinnasamy, 28, said that he had no plans to protest the Bush visit but
added that he felt no love for Bush administration's policies, like the
pressure on India to vote against Iran's nuclear ambitions. "You can't have
someone peering into your own house," is how he put it.

But his colleague, Pranesh Upasi, 26, was not terribly worried. "India," he
said, "can stand up for itself."

The New York Times

---------------------

[4]


From: rkurian@bgl.vsnl.net.in
Date: Wed Mar 1, 2006  
Subject: Bush in India..  

http://www.countercurrents.org/ind-jones010306.htm

Bush In pursuit Of Key strategic Partnership With India

By Keith Jones

-----------------

[5]

From: "Mike Ghouse" <MIKEGHOUSE@aol.com>
Date: Wed Mar 1, 2006
Subject: CALIFORNIA STATE BOARD OF EDUCATION'S DECISION  

http://www.foundationforpluralism.com/FFP_Release_On_CSBE_Decision_02
2806.asp  











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