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Subject: [India Thinkers Net]Barkha's article,Pak news,Religious amity... - March19, 2006



[1]

From: "Arif N. Khan" <ank2000pk@yahoo.com>
Date: Sun Mar 19, 2006
Subject: Gunmen Kill Ex-Minister in Karachi

Gunmen Kill Ex-Minister in Karachi
Huma Aamir Malik, Arab News
http://www.arabnews.com/?page=4&section=0&article=79414&d=19&m=3&y=2006

KARACHI, 19 March 2006 ??” Unknown assailants gunned down a former provincial minister and leader of the Pakistan Mulsim League (PML-Q), Badar Iqbal, along with his bodyguard, at busy M.A. Jinnah Road here yesterday.

Two others were injured in the shooting, said Tariq Aslam, an area police chief. He said one passer-by was also injured when a stray bullet hit him, but gave no further details.

Iqbal was a provincial minister in 1990s. In the past, he was a member of the country??™s ethnic-based Muttaheda Qaumi Movement (MQM) party. However, in recent years he changed political loyalty and joined the ruling party. MQM, a party mainly representing Urdu-speaking migrants from India, is also a partner in the coalition government that rules Sindh province of which Karachi is the capital.

Meanwhile, a homemade bomb exploded near a government engineer??™s home in southwestern Pakistan yesterday, triggering panic and shattering windows but leaving no one hurt, police said. No group or individual claimed responsibility for the attack near the home of engineer Victor James in Quetta, said Police Inspector Jamil Ahmad.




Arif N. Khan
http://www.netvert.biz/wordpower
 
----------------
[2]

From: rkurian@bgl.vsnl.net.in
Date: Sat Mar 18, 2006
Subject: Will MIddle India Speak Up?...Barkha Dutt

http://www.ndtv.com/columns/showcolumns.asp?id=1027

Will middle India speak up?

Barkha Dutt (NDTV)

Thursday, March 16, 2006

Swimming in the sea of India's cultural complexity has taught me that I can
no longer carry my agnosticism lightly.

Time has convinced me that my resistance to institutionalised religion is
the defining character flaw of the progressive elite; a discordant note in
an otherwise full-throated symphony; a disconnect so deep that sometimes
people like me are just left watching from the side lines at the tumultuous
fight for India's future; spectators, not participants because we speak the
language of disbelief.

But there are times, I am grateful that I am neither Hindu nor Muslim, but
just a devout skeptic. Right now, is one such.

Despite the lonely corner non -believers like myself inhabit, I am
reasonably confident that the ordinary Indian is as mystified as me by the
hysterical debate that has consumed our media these past few weeks.

The theme song, actually it was a duet, went something like this-Hindutva is
simmering under the surface, waiting to leap out from the political grave
into the warm embrace of a new life; and "moderate Muslims" must speak, not
just speak, they must shout, scream, holler, be heard, so that there is no
"backlash."

Apparently, the horrific twin blasts at Varanasi have given all this the
force of an emergency. If I were either Hindu or Muslim, I would be deeply
insulted at the generalised and simplistic assumptions made about me, my
intelligence, and most importantly, my faith.

On the evening of the blasts, Renuka Narayanan went on NDTV and said
"Varanasi is to Hinduism what Mecca is to Islam, this is the seat of
Hinduism that has been attacked." I can still feel the slight shudder that
went down my spine. The stakes seemed so high.

Gujarat 2002; New Delhi 1984, has made us forever fearful. The fear isn't
entirely misplaced; every terror attack, especially those targeted at the
nerve centres of faith, pushes us that much closer to the edge; to the
precipice of polarisation.

But the argument lapsed into absurdity, when the politicians began talking.
If the Varanasi blasts were a consequence of the UPA's "minority
appeasement", then how does one explain the shadow of terror that tailed
India during the NDA regime? From Kandahar to the Parliament attack?

If the blasts were a result of this government being "soft on terror" then
how does one explain that there is no empirical difference in the level of
violence today, when compared with last year? And has a shrill BJP forgotten
that Atal Behari Vajpayee's lasting legacy is the creation of a peace
process with Pakistan and a peace initiative with Kashmiri separatists?

Bihar was proof that the NDA is a combative, shrewd political force that the
UPA cannot afford to be complacent about. But surely there was a lesson in
it for the BJP as well- another state won not on the strength of religious
mobilisation but on the promise of change.

Even the complex caste arithmetic could not save a Lalu Prasad Yadav;
clearly identity politics could only travel this far, if governance and
development were not equal companions on the journey.

So no matter what the public opinion pundits write (and I suspect, even the
BJP's master strategists may just have lifted the idea off the edit pages),
I would argue that in the absence of an extraordinary event, religious
identity is now more the EX-factor, than a decisive, intangible, X factor;
Hindutva I think has served its time and outlived its political utility.

All generalizations are a gamble, but I would take the risk and say that
Middle India (as distinct from both the fundamentalists and the liberals)
wants to travel down the Middle Path; the age of shrill rhetoric is over,
Indians, are increasingly impatient with extremism of any kind, in any
faith, Hindu or Muslim.

I'm pretty sure that the ordinary Hindu, angry as he or she may be about the
assault in Varanasi, and before that, Ayodhya, will also find L K Advani's
Rath Yatra disingenuous and unnecessary; a poor caricature of himself.

I'm equally sure, that if I were a Muslim in India today, I'd feel under
siege; claustrophobically caught between those who claim to speak on my
behalf, and those who are demanding that I must speak up as a "moderate."
Lost in the cacophony of argument is the clarity of exactly what we are
asking them to speak up against.

If it's about the politicians like Haji Yaqoob Qureshi, the minister in
Uttar Pradesh who dared to declare a reward of Rs 51 crore for the Danish
cartoonist's head, Muslim after Muslim that I have interviewed has condemned
him and asked that he be removed from the state government.

It's a non-Muslim chief minister who continues to keep him in public office.
It's India's party in power, the Congress, that continues to maintain a
shameful silence on his utterances; the same Congress that will use textbook
rules to secure a vindictive expulsion of Jaya Bachchan from Parliament is
conveniently inert when it comes to Qureshi.

And it's the Marxists, who need to march with Mulayam, who are silently
looking the other way. So aren't newspaper columnists framing the question
incorrectly? Sure, there is a conspiracy of silence, but look who is not
talking.

Or is it the anti-Bush protests that we are alarmed by and object to?
Apparently the worry is that Indian Muslims are joining hands with the
Global Islamic Community, if they march against Bush; that this heralds the
ominous arrival of Political Islam at our doorstep. But isn't this a wildly
insecure, and mostly hysterical reaction?

First, the protests spoke for a fragment of Muslim opinion, and it would be
presumptuous to assume that the protestors represented 14 million people.

Secondly, so what if they don't like Bush? Why isn't their right to protest
legitimate? This weekend, on We the People, a cross section of Muslims made
the same point: to oppose George Bush's politics in Iraq is not the same
thing as opposing a nuclear deal that's clearly good for India.

To lose that distinction is to question the patriotism of the Indian Muslim,
not just a dangerous argument, but also a deeply offensive one. Mehbooba
Mufti from Kashmir summed it up when she said the cause of an Independent
Kashmir had been championed by Islamic militants from as far as Sudan and
Afghanistan, but never by an Indian Muslim outside of the valley.

Are we becoming like the United States? Fearful of minorities? Alarmed at
their assertion, superior and scornful about their conventions? Unable to
see them as anything but the "other?"

Finally, are media clich?©s the biggest disservice at a time like this? What
or who do we mean by a Moderate Muslim? Mohammed Ali Jinnah was barely a
believer, hardly followed the Quran, but created Pakistan.

So who is "moderate" enough for us, and who sets the benchmarks? The day of
the blasts, I got a call from a member of the Muslim Personal Law board,
scared and worried about a "backlash", wanting to condemn the blasts on
national television, so that nobody misunderstood their response. The
subtext is clear.

Fifty-nine years after India was born, in a country where there are more
Muslims than there are in Pakistan, we are still asking Muslims to wear
their nationalism like an identity card; we are still asking for proof of
loyalty. This is not their failure. It is ours.

------------------

[3]

From: MIKEGHOUSE@aol.com
Date: Sat Mar 18, 2006  
Subject: HINDU-MUSLIM INTEGRATION POINTS  

HINDU-MUSLIM INTEGRATION  POINTS
 
The following story is reflective of what happens in many a towns and  cities
across India. At least around Bangalore where I am from.  I have seen this
integration  .... FULL TEXT at:

http://groups.yahoo.com/group/Mahajanapada













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