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Subject: [India Thinkers Net]nukes,war ally + - April22, 2006




[1]

From: rkurian@bgl.vsnl.net.in
Date: Fri Apr 21, 2006
Subject: Bush's Indian Ally!

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/04/19/AR2006041902480.\
html?referrer=emailarticle


Bush's Indian Ally

By Jim Hoagland
Thursday, April 20, 2006; A25

NEW DELHI -- At a time when even friendly governments are quick to distance
themselves from the United States and its pugnacious, embattled president, India
is a strategic maverick. The former firebrand of the Non-Aligned Movement has
chosen this moment to forge a close partnership with Washington and to speak up
positively about American power in world affairs.

"This lack of nuclear cooperation is the last remaining cobweb from our old
relationship, and we can now sweep it aside," Prime Minister Manmohan Singh said
with an expressive wave of his hand. "There are no other barriers to a more
productive, more durable relationship with the United States. The potential is
enormous for our two nations."

India is the new China in the eyes of the Bush administration, which has
promised to help this once-slumbering Asian giant develop into one of the
world's five or six major economic and political powers. That undertaking has
instilled a new sense of security in the Indian capital and erased long-standing
tensions.

Singh praised "the new thinking" in Washington during our conversation and
easily skipped over renewed U.S. arms sales to Pakistan, American pressure for
action on Iran and other topics that would have sunk most of his predecessors
into bitter grumbling about neo-imperialism.

The Indian leader's impressively modest and precise manner sets a moderate tone
for his remarks. A visitor quickly understands why he is trusted and respected
by his peers in the rough-and-tumble world of Indian politics. That does not
prevent him from being candid in his assessments:

"We recognize that the United States is the preeminent superpower in the world
and that it is in India's interest to have good relations with the United States
. . . as a very important partner in realizing our development ambitions," he
acknowledged.

One way of helping with development and environmental protection, Singh quickly
suggested, was for the U.S. Congress to approve legislative changes that clear
the way for the United States to provide civilian nuclear technology and
supplies to India after a 32-year ban triggered by India's development and
testing of nuclear weapons.

Bush and Singh reached agreement last July on reciprocal steps for the
resumption of nuclear energy cooperation outside the international
Non-Proliferation Treaty. Singh has persuaded his left-wing allies in the
coalition government he heads not "to wreck the boat" by opposing "an agreement
that is in India's interest" because of their suspicion of Washington.

The administration hopes to move the legislative changes through Congress in
May, giving Bush a badly needed foreign policy success as well as the first
direct American influence over India's nuclear weapons program, which would be
partially covered by new safeguards and inspections.

Singh would not speculate on the consequences of a refusal by Congress to accept
the agreement. But in response to questions, he did identify two things that he
does not expect to happen.

Asked if India would ever put all of its reactors under full-scope safeguards --
as some U.S. critics say Bush should have demanded -- he replied: "No. We would
like the world to move toward universal nuclear disarmament. But given the
circumstances, we need a strategic nuclear weapons program. In our neighborhood,
China is a nuclear power and on our western frontier there is Pakistan, which
developed its weapons through clandestine proliferation."

And he said he could not imagine circumstances that would require India to
resume nuclear testing, an option that his Indian critics assert is a sovereign
right. "Our scientists tell me they need no further tests. As for the distant
future, I cannot predict forever, but our commitment is to continue our
unilateral moratorium."

The conversation underscored for me that flaws in the nuclear draft agreement
are heavily outweighed by the advantages it brings in cutting global pollution,
easing pressure on oil markets and bringing a substantial part of India's
nuclear program under international supervision.

Noting that Chinese President Hu Jintao was visiting the United States this
week, Singh insisted that "we are not developing our relationship with the U.S.
at the cost of our relationship with China, which is our neighbor and with which
our trade is growing at a handsome rate. . . . President Bush told me this is a
sensible way to proceed, and that America will remain engaged with China, too."

On Iran, he urged Washington to allow "the maximum scope for dialogue and
discussions. The Iranian regime may need some time to settle down." But, he
added, "we are very clear that we do not want another nuclear weapons power in
the region."

India is moving from a past of shaking an angry finger in the American face to
providing a helping hand for U.S. power in the future. The Senate and House
should move expeditiously to set this transformation in motion.

jimhoagland@washpost.com
© 2006 The Washington Post Company

---------------------

[2]

From: rkurian@bgl.vsnl.net.in
Date: Fri Apr 21, 2006
Subject: The Real First Casualty of War...John Pilger  

The Real First Casualty Of War
By John Pilger

http://www.countercurrents.org/pilger210406.htm

This acute skepticism, this skill of reading between the lines, is urgently
needed in supposedly free societies today. Take the reporting of state-sponsored
war. The oldest clich? is that truth is the first casualty of war. I disagree.
Journalism is the first casualty. Not only that: it has become a weapon of war

----------------------------

[3]

From: yogi sikand <ysikand@yahoo.com>
Date: Sat Apr 22, 2006
Subject: Book Review: Madrasas in India

Book Review
Name of Book: Islamic Education, Diversity and
National Identity: Dini Madaris in India Post-9/11
Editor: Helmut Reifeld & Jan-Peter Hartung
Publisher: Sage Publications, New Delhi
Year: 2006
Pp: 331
Price: Rs.650
ISBN: 0-7619-3432-4
Reviewed by: Yoginder Sikand

---------------

[4]

From: <jitu11in@yahoo.com>
Date: Fri Apr 21, 2006
Subject: Re: [indiathinkersnet] sonia gandhi contesting again

what about the economical loss country faces.

--- nandakumar nair <unnair@yahoo.com> wrote:

> SONIA GANDHI CONTESTING AGAIN
>
> One supposes that ther is no technical or legal bar
> on

---------------------

[5]

From: Sukla Sen <suklasen@yahoo.com>
Date: Fri Apr 21, 2006
Subject: Chernobyl and the Colossal Problem of Nuclear Waste  

http://www.fas.org/main/content.jsp?formAction=297&contentId=543

   The Nuclear Dilemma and Lessons from Chernobyl
   Contact : Anne Fitzpatrick (afitzpatrick@fas.org)
   Last modified : April 20, 2006 9:12 AM

   The Nuclear Dilemma and Lessons from Chernobyl

   By Anne Fitzpatrick

   afitzpatrick@fas.org
 





 






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