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STARVE TO DEATH OR BE FORGOTTEN (a prisoners' dilemma) TOI-Billboard August 21 - 2004 Action reports & must read articles & documents INTRODUCTION -- Action chronicles (picks of the week) -- {} Wednesday, Aug. 18 Freedom March Challenges Qalandiya Checkpoint {} Thursday, Aug.19: Gush Shalom visit to families of prisoners on hunger strike (photos) {} Throughout the week: Kabuah family home readied for opening ceremony Sunday {} Today's solidarity action with the prisoners on hunger strike -- Reports and articles -- {} "Let 'em starve to death" by Yitzhak Laor {} Haaretz editorial against harsh behaviour towards hunger strikers {} Harsh treatment of Palestinian women prisoners August newsletter of Israeli women's solidarity group {} Debate and Discussion in the Israeli Peace Movement Reuven Kaminer's alternative for despair at the peace camp wings (full text) <<>> INTRODUCTION This week we witnessed a Supreme Court maneuvering between the international legal community and the demands of the government and the army - by demanding from the govrnment an answer to the decision of the international court, while at the same time allowing it to continue building the wall declared illegal by The Hague. Also, PM Sharon once more was "defeated" by the Likud Council, and harvested immediately "understanding" from the US administration for continued settlement expansion. Whether the Sharon acrobatics will include new elections is not yet sure, but the 80-years old so-called opposition leader Shimon Peres already announced himself to be a candidate for prime minister - giving himself this consolation price now that joining the government seems barred by the Likud hardliners. The hungerstrike of the prisoners - and the authorities' hooligan style answer to it - have brought the thousands of forgotten prisoners back into the awareness. ~~~ -- Action chronicles (picks of the week) -- {} Wednesday, Aug. 18 Freedom March Challenges Qalandiya Checkpoint At the one but last day of the Freedom March all along the route of the Wall, approximately 1000 Palestinians, internationals and Israelis overwhelmed the soldiers at the Qalandiya checkpoint and succeeded despite teargas, shooting and efforts to physically bar the marchers to pass without showing identity cards or passports. For photos: http://www.palsolidarity.org/pictures/PHOTOS_18Aug04_07_34_09RamallahSimon.htm ~~~ {} Thursday, Aug.19: Gush Shalom visit to families of prisoners on hunger strike (photos) Accessible at http://www.gush-shalom.org/english/index.html (see also the statement "STARVE TO DEATH?" published Aug. 20 as ad) ~~~ {} Throughout the week: Kabuah family home readied for opening ceremony Sunday "In the morning we were working on site, cleaning up the floors and painting the walls inside the house. Outside the house we sprayed the walls with plaster to give the house a sandy stone look. (...) In the evening there was a big debate about whether we wanted to watch a video about the settlers, Jenin Jenin, Fahrenheit 9/11 or ice age" For day to day reports with photos about the Beit Arabiya Summer Work Camp organized by the Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions: http://www.icahd.org/eng/news.asp?menu=5&submenu=1 ~~~ {} Today's solidarity action with the prisoners on hunger strike reported by Rayna Moss <legalese@netvision.net.il> On Saturday morning, August 21, several hundred Israeli Jewish and Arab demonstrators came at the call of the Hadash Party (activists from Ta'ayush, the Anarchists, Gush Shalom and also internationals from the ISM) and held together protests in front of the Hadarim, Meggido and Shata Prisons, in all of which Palestinian prisoners are on hunger strike. At Hadarim, a large police force threatened to disperse the demonstrators, but desisted after the intervention of KM Issam Makhul. The police did forbid the use of loud-speaker, whereupon the demonstrators accompanied their chanting by drumming on pots and pans. Suddenly, from out of the prison a member of the prisoners' strike committee managed to call KM's Makhoul and Barake, using one of the "hidden" mobile phones which prisoners manage to keep despite constant searches and confiscations by the prison administration. (The demand for having access to phones, as criminal prisoners in Israeli jails do, is one of the main issues in the Palestinian prisoners' hunger strike). The caller told that the demonstrators' racket was clearly audible inside, and that the strikers' morale remains high. Sana Salameh, the wife of a prisoner held at Hadarim since 1986, told that prison authorities had confiscated the prisoners' cigarettes, the smoking of which makes hunger easier, and also the lumps of salt which prisoners used to lick in the hot hours. And all medical treatment in the prison is now dependent on breaking the strike. "They did not do such things in the past. There had been a tacit understanding not to push things to extremes, which does not exist any more". From the prison gates, many of the demonstrators traveled to the centre of the Israeli-Arab town of Baka Al-Garbiya, where prisoners' families had erected a solidarity tent. The group also went to see the newly-erected, eight-metre high "Separation Wall", erected at the edge of the town and cutting it off from Baka Al-Sharkiya which is part of the West Bank. "We used to go back and forth between the two Baka's, as if it was one town. Many of the people there are also our relatives. Now, to get there you need a permit which takes a lot of effort to get" an inhabitant told the group. ~~~ -- Reports and articles -- {} "Let 'em starve to death" by Yitzhak Laor {} Haaretz editorial against harsh behaviour towards hunger strikers {} Harsh treatment of Palestinian women prisoners August newsletter of Israeli women's solidarity group {} Debate and Discussion in the Israeli Peace Movement Reuven Kaminer's alternative for despair at the peace camp wings (full text) <<>> {} "Let 'em starve to death" by Yitzhak Laor Israel equating the Palestinian prisoner strike with a security risk is part of a pattern that does not necessarily have anything to do with such a risk or with terror. full text http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/466026.html ~~~ {} Haaretz editorial against harsh behaviour towards hunger strikers http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/465084.html ~~~ {} Harsh treatment of Palestinian women prisoners reported in August newsletter of Israeli women's solidarity group Women`s Organization for Political Prisoners (WOFPP) P.O. Box 31811, Tel Aviv Tel and Fax: +972-3-5227124 E-mail: havakell@012.net.il Newsletter August 2004 [The following WOPFF newsletter about the circumstances of Women Political Prisoners in Israeli prisons included originally a copy of the already widespread call for solidarity by the hungerstrikers' families.] NEVE TIRZA PRISON There are now altogether approximately 100 Palestinian women political prisoners. On 13 June one group, about half of the women, was transferred back to Neve Tirza from Hasharon Prison. Though they took with them, among other belongings, the purchases they had made in the Hasharon prison canteen and the material for handicrafts, these items were not handed over by the Neve Tirza prison authorities, who also withheld the toys belonging to Marwat Taha's baby boy Wael, one and a half years old. The representatives elected by the women prisoners were not recognized by the prison authorities until August 2004. HASHARON PRISON The rooms are dirty and infected with mice and cockroaches. The heat is unbearable, The windows are closed and covered so that hardly any air or daylight can enter. There are not enough ventilators, and often the electricity is cut off, so that even the existing ventilators do not work. PROBLEMS IN HASHARON AND NEVE TIRZA The wardens' attitude is extremely hostile; they humiliate and offend the prisoners. The food is insufficient, of inferior quality or even spoilt, it is dirty, often containing insects and worms. Sometimes there are not enough portions for all the women. The medical care is insufficient and unprofessional. Whatever the complaints of the women, the male nurse gives them a painkiller. If and when a woman at last succeeds to be seen by the prison doctor, she is supposed to undress in the presence of male wardens, which obviously she has to refuse. - After falling down, Majed Nas had her swollen leg bandaged by a male nurse. Only two weeks later she was seen by a doctor and obtained a prescription, but the medication was not available in the prison. - Dental care was even more difficult to obtain than regular medical care, but as of July the prisoners are supposed to have regular access to a dentist. Letters and newspapers are not distributed regularly, and sometimes even letters that bear an exact address are returned to the sender. - Zakya 'Awisah, an administrative detainee, who was released in July, had received many letters of support. The commander of the wing where she had been held, had threatened that if she continued to receive so many letters, she would not be allowed to write and receive any letters at all. Mothers with babies are living in the same cells with other prisoners. Contrary to what is an accepted custom in the section of the criminal prisoners, the doors of the political prisoners' cells where small children live are not permitted to remain open during daytime. On behalf of the mothers and their babies, the lawyer of The Association for Civil Rights in Israel (ACRI), Sonia Boulous, and of WOFPP, Taghrid Jahshan, are preparing an appeal against this condition. Permission to stand for matriculation exams is given arbitrarily. Out of sixteen women who asked to pass the exams, only five were given the permission. The lawyers of ACRI and WOFPP appealed against this situation. The prison authorities stated that standing for these exams is a privilege, and they can decide on whom this privilege is bestowed. The High Court's opinion, expressed on 21 July, was that standing for matriculation exams is not a privilege but a basic right and recommended that the prison authorities take this into consideration. Apparently, standing for matriculations exams will be allowed according to arrangements of the Education Ministry of the Palestinian Authority. The arbitrary punishments meted out to the prisoners are increasing and are becoming harsher. There is a new method of punishing the women by imposing fines that are taken out of their prison canteen accounts. Considering that they have to buy additional food in order to complement the poor prison diet, and other basics, this is a very serious punishment.They are often put into solitary confinement in very small and very dirty cells. They are prevented from receiving family visits. Quite often they are beaten, but the prison authorities do not admit this. They claim that beating is not a punishment but a method of self defense. On a hot day at the beginning of July, during recreation time, the women were having fun splashing water on each other. For this, seven women were fined NIS 200.- (US$ 50) each, and three women among the seven were punished additionally by being deprived of their daily walk in the yard for one week, and of family visits for two months. After a bucketful of water got spilled on the foot of a warden, Maha El'ak was beaten, tied to her bed for a day and a half and not allowed to go to the toilet. She was held in solitary confinement for one month. After the assassination of the Palestinian leader in Gaza, El-Rantissi, some women returned the food and held a mourning ceremony by saying prayers. For this, eight women were fined. NIS 400.- (US$ 100) each, they were not permitted to have family visits for two months, and some of them were put into solitary confinement for a few days. Su'ad Ghazal was punished for writing details about the prison conditions in a letter to a French Human Rights Organization. Her punishment was a fine of NIS 250.- (US$ 65) and no family visits for two months. Su'ad Abu Hamed had switched off the light in her cell, after a warden had switched it on at 4 o'clock in the morning. For this she was held in solitary confinement and fined NIS 450.- (US$ 112). Amne Muna was punished in her turn by being fined NIS 150.- (US$ 38) because she tried to intervene on behalf of Su'ad Abu Hamed. Lawyers' visits are becoming more difficult. Lawyers have to ask a permission to visit at least two days before the visit would take place, and they may be refused. A few times the WOFPP's lawyer, Taghrid Jahshan, was permitted to visit but on arriving at the prison the prison authorities, offering various pretexts, did not let her see the prisoners. PETAH TIKVA DETENTION CENTER Tali Fahima, 28 years old, from Tel Aviv, was detained on 9 August. She was interrogated by the "Shabak" (General Security Services). Her lawyer told the court that Tali had been interrogated for about 12 hours without any rest, with her hands tied behind her back. She had already been detained in May 2004, some time after she had appeared on television, stating that she opposed the assassination of Palestinian leaders and was ready to serve as a human shield. THE ISRAELI MILITARY PRISON FOR WOMEN Laura Milo, a conscientious objector who refuses to serve in the Israeli Army (IDF) was sentenced for the first time in March 2004 to one month in military jail. She was then sent to the "Military Commission of Conscience" which decided that her refusal to serve was based on political reasons and not reasons of conscience. She was therefore sentenced again in July to 28 days in military jail. ~~~ {} Debate and Discussion in the Israeli Peace Movement Reuven Kaminer's alternative for despair at the peace camp wings (full text) Despair on the Wings by Reuven Kaminer A number of factors have spread no small amount of despair among many members of the peace movement and the left in Israel regarding the prospects for a two-state solution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.? This despair has found expressions in a number of retreats by people on the left from support for the two-state formula and the search for alternatives for moving forward without negotiations and by bypassing the present Palestinian leadership.? Without in any way minimizing the serious obstacles on the path to peace, it is necessary to point out the even greater limitations of alternative strategies.? It is certainly not accidental that the retreat from the only viable and realistic step for ending the occupation and opening a new stage in the relations between the Palestinians and the Israelis is most pronounced on the right and left wings of the peace movement. "Disengagement Now", Peace Later. Peace Now exemplifies the most drastic reversal in policy.? The present leadership, dominated by Tsali Reshef, has teamed up, completely and without any reservations, with Shimon Peres.? Peres, who has earned his reputation as one of the most cynical opportunists in Israeli politics, is currently dragging the Labor Party into a 'National Unity' government. ? Reshef has gushingly characterized Sharon's disengagement plan as a new historical stage and called on Peace Now to give Sharon's plan its unequivocal and unqualified support.? Peace Now's present partnership with Peres includes unconditional support for a Sharon-led national unity government. Peace Now has even turned its back on the Geneva Initiative people and joined moves to marginalize the Geneva Initiative.? At two recent meetings of the Coalition of the Majority, which organized the mammoth peace demonstration on May 15, 2004, Peres and Peace Now suggested 'shortening the main slogan of the coalition.' "The original slogan of the Coalition of the Majority was, "The majority rules! - Let's get out of Gazaand start to talk." At the last two meetings, the majority of the participants, led by Peres' and Peace Now's representatives, supported a new, shorter slogan: "The majority rules! Let's get out of Gaza." The only ones who objected were the Geneva people. Gadi Batianski, director of the Geneva Initiative headquarters wrote to the coalition:? "withdrawing the call to talk with the Palestinians is tantamount to surrendering to despair, because without talking we will never be able to resolve the conflict." (Akiba Eldar, "Ha'aretz. August 13, 2004).? The Peace Now revision is facilitated by the fact that the seriously weakened movement is in a long-standing organizational crisis. A tiny group, in control of the movement's finances, has destroyed all vestiges of democratic or conventional movement life and organizational activity. Decisions are taken by a few 'insiders',? without any serious debate and? all broad forums for discussion, where the new line might be challenged have disappeared. Even so, there is ample evidence that there is no consensus in Peace Now, supporting the Reshef-Peres gambit. Disenchantment Among the Militants. Poltical shifts on the militant, ideological left, are as usual, more complex and nuanced. Over the years, many activists have expressed their disappointment at the lack of progress on the two-state front, by a growing readiness to seriously examine a solution to the conflict which could be reached in the framework of a single democratic state.? This solution had a singular attraction in that in it was clear in principle and even easy to conceptualize.? Both peoples would be citizens with equal rights in a single state. The serious question remains as to whether this kind of very long-term goal can serve as a strategy for peace in the here and now.? An important document embodies some of the latest trends in thinking on the left. A group of activists who met at the town of Givat Olga issued a statement, which was subsequently signed by more than a hundred people on the left.? [A link to the article which appeared an a recent issue of Jewish Peace News is provided].? The Givat Olga Document: Sincere Anguish over Israel's Policies of Repression and Discrimination? ? ? ? http://ga3.org/jvfp/jpn_home.html#2)? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? The document evoked quite a bit of interest on the left. ? Many of the initiators and signers have made considerable contributions to the hard and difficult battles of the left for peace and Jewish-Arab understanding. The spirit of the document is close to that of the militant section of the left, the very same section which has been active on the ideological front, battling all the so-called justifications for the policies of discrimination and apartheid implemented by the different governments of Israel for generations.? Israel, nor any modern state, for that matter, cannot justify rank discrimination against any section of its population on national, ethnic, or gender grounds. The document states, inter alia: "the first precondition for a vision of life together is clear, both as an absolute moral commitment and as a matter of the here and now: an immediate end to the occupation."? But even a close reading of the document leaves it unclear as to how this passionately desired event - an immediate end to the occupation - is to come about. ? Since I consider this 'lacuna' a serious flaw, I have had the temerity to suggest adding a paragraph of text to the original document.? I do hope that I will be able to justify this exceptional action on my part as the discussion develops. This is the suggested addition: "The only real chance to end the occupation and the only alternative to its continuation in the foreseeable future is a peace agreement between the state of Israel and an independent Palestinian state. Israel can attain an agreement for lasting peace and such an agreement will meet with world wide political, diplomatic, material and moral support. The bogus argument that Israel lacks a serious partner for negotiations and an agreement is only an evasive trick by the government of Israel, designed to sabotage any chance for peace. As always, Israel's policies are coordinated with the United States and function as an important element in that country's strategy.? These axiomatic truths are the core of the policy of this country's peace movement. As always, the chances for peace are heavily influenced by international and regional developments.? In this respect, the serious defeats that the United States has suffered in Iraq are objectively a blow to the Bush-Sharon axis and improve the chances for Israeli-Palestinian peace." Of course, one can assume that the lacuna in this respect is not accidental.? Since this may be the case, it is necessary to return to the text in order to discern some elements ? of an answer regarding the path to the dissolution of the occupation. But first, a few words about the continuing relevance of the two-state solution.? Temporary reverses, which are the product of the efforts of the enemies of peace in the region cannot negate this relevance.? The two-state solution, it should be noted, bears many names and comes in different forms, such as the Clinton Proposals, the Taba Summaries, the Saudi Plan, the European plan, the Arab League plan, the Geneva Accords, etc..? With all due respect to minor differences between them, they do all submit a core of common proposals. The outline of a settlement on their basis in quite clear: The June 1967 borders will be the basis for the territorial solution; Jerusalem will be the capital of two-states, Israel and Palestine; its neighborhoods will be divided on a demographic basis and religious interests and sensitivities will be fully addressed. Massive material assets will be mobilized internationally to improve the lives and increase the life-options for the refugees, but only a small minority will be repatriated to Israel.? ? One cannot exaggerate the existing support for such an agreement.? It will enjoy the support of all countries (with the possible exception of the United States, Israel and Micronesia). It will receive overwhelming support by enlightened public opinion.? Among the intelligentsia and the peace movement, such an agreement will be considered an important first step in addressing the grievous wrongs perpetrated against the Palestinian people. Such an agreement will be a blow to Israel's privileged status and an example of the United States' inability to ignore a strong and forceful international consensus. Thus, the practical possibilities for a solution in the foreseeable future are linked, of course, to the two-state solution. No less an expert than Ariel Sharon (in an interview with Yedioth Ahronot, April 5, 2004) pointed out that there are any number of versions of this proposal: The European plan, the Saudi Plan, the Arab League Plan, the Geneva Accords, the National Registration. ? Sharon revealed that there was even a Yoska Fisher plan in the works. Sharon explained in the above cited interview that it was precisely to prevent a political vacuum that would encourage the prospects of any of these plans,he unveiled his Gaza disengagement plan.? However, the achievement of a two-state solution is very far from certain. Bush and? Sharon have put in place a series of 'dirty tricks', chief of which is to smear the Palestinians and their leadership with the accusation of terrorism and corruption. One central activity in this campaign is the defamation of Yasser Arafat and his imprisonment under conditions unlike any other imposed on a universally recognized national leader.? There is some room for apprehension that parts of the progressive public opinion in this country have been influenced by this campaign of degradation. One might ask how is it that here in Israel, where 'our leader' Sharon has been officially certified ? responsible for the mass murder of Palestinians in Sabra and Shatilla, not to speak of his predicament if he had to appear before any international court of justice, there is such sensitivity regarding the leadership style of Arafat.? Sharon, under the cloud of a series of corruption scandals, one broader than the other, is still legitimized, while Arafat's moral stature is questioned.? Of course, Arafat should not be immune from criticism by the left. ? But somehow things do get mixed up. It is not entirely clear that criticism from the left was always careful to disassociate itself from challenges meant to undermine Arafat's authority to represent the Palestinians and negotiate in their name. ? George W. Bush, the great reformer of our time, preconditions negotiations for peace on 'reforms' clearly aimed at weakening the Palestinian side. Isn't this the main point? The Battle for Peace and Equality ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? The Givat Olga document stresses the vital importance of deep changes in Israeli society and mentality towards the recognition of the indigenous people of this country and their rights and the complete rejection of their dispossession.? The battle for genuine equality and the abolishment of past and present injustices is, of course, an essential element in the battle for peace. However, there are a number of formulations on the question of peace between the two peoples that seem to suggest that peace between the two peoples is not on the agenda at all at this time.? These formulations hint that peace is impossible until the progressive forces have won a decisive, total victory, over the prevailing belief structure of Israeli society.? This approach seems to suggest that de-Zionization and the cancellation of the Jewish character of the state are preconditions for Israeli-Palestinian peace.? There are? indications in the Givat Olga Document that might be seen as supporting of this super-radical set of priorities, which maintains that there can be no peace with the Zionist entity or with Israel as a Jewish state.? The fight for equality appears in this reading of the document as a diametrically opposed alternative to any two-state solution.? Instead of the political battle for a change in Israeli policy, it is suggested that we shoulder the incredibly heavy burden of deconstructing the ideological and legal structures that prevent the Israeli public from recognizing the Palestinians as brothers and sisters and establishing a community based on respect and reconciliation. Thus, on one hand, the Givat Olga document can be read as an impassioned plea to all of us to do battle with the rising tide of discrimination and repression that has engulfed out country.? As such its main sentiments are laudable. However, it can be read as promoting a counter approach to the question of peace, one that seeks to ? cancel out and erase the fight for Israeli-Palestinian peace, as a practical issue in our time. Since the undersigned feels that most of the people who signed the document have not decided, despite their disappointment and disgust over so many current developments, to reject the possibility of a two-state solution, he has, for the sake of clarification, submitted the aforementioned supplementary paragraph to be read as an integral part of the Givat Olga document. The Dangers of Purity The are many serious political drawbacks? stemming from the idealistic, but hopelessly naive, thesis that peace is possible only after the achievement of absolute equality between the two peoples. The first relates to the significant difference between the time frame for the realization of very concrete political goals and the time involved in the achievement of utopian, abstract goals in the fight for pure justice. The battle for a two-state solution, with all of its drawbacks, is a current political issue, and its realization can be conceptualized without total, cataclysmic transformation of political and social reality. It requires a shift in the given obtaining power structures.? Though this is far from an easy feat, it does not require the revolutionary transformation of the region. We can identify the progression of the required ? steps towards peace.? On the other hand, the spiritual, psychological and ideological transformation of Israeli society, is not a process with identifiable features and stages.? The forces that can conceivably be mobilized for such transformations hardly exist, even on the most theoretical level, and barely lend themselves to conceptualization. Paradoxically, the only reasonable thing that can be said about the progress? towards a saner and more humane Israeli consciousness, is that such process would be assisted by a serious reduction in armed confrontations between the two people, and (one fears to state the obvious) a two-state solution that might improve relations on the ground between the two peoples. But the difficulty is not only the extreme juxtaposition between the very real world politics of the battle for peace and the rather opaque perspectives of a grand project that aims, no less and no more, at the total transformation of a national consciousness and its ideological infrastructure. The introduction into modern political debate of the idea that there can be no peace in the region because of the Jewish nature of Israel would be an unexpected gift to Israeli reaction. One of the Sharonite's last holds on public opinion is the accusation that those who are battling for peace between Israel and Palestinians are really out to cancel the Jewish nature of Israel. The totally dubious thesis that peace cannot be made with Israel because it is a Jewish state can do irreparable damage to the forces for peace and the most loyal friends of the Palestinian.? Is it suggested that, in the name of 'truth' that those, all over the world, who fought against the occupation admit that they failed to understand the dissolution of Israel as a Jewish state can alleviate the sufferings of the occupation? It is sincerely hoped that most of those who signed the Givat Olga document do not subscribe to the reading, or interpretation, that might support such clearly absurd and destructive conclusions. ? ? Despite the difficulties of the hour, a world wide coalition for sanity and reason continues to work for a speedy end to the occupation through the establishment of an independent Palestinian state. This will not solve all the problems. However, it would be a major advance beyond the current situation of violent and unrestrained Israeli repression, and halt the sufferings and degradation involved in unending cycles of violence.? It would mean international recognition for a new modicum of coexistence. This is not quite the establishment of the kingdom of true justice over the earth, but it will have to do for now. [This text can be copied, quoted and reviewed without any limitation - Reuven Kaminer <rkaminer@netvision.net.il>] -- TOI-Billboard is the 'ezine' of the independent THE OTHER ISRAEL bi-monthly peace newsletter, existing since 1983, and published by its editors Adam Keller & Beate Zilversmidt from a Tel-Aviv suburb Selected articles The Other Israel latest printed issue on site: http://otherisrael.home.igc.org/ One time free sample from: otherisr@actcom.co.il US addresses from: aicipp@igc.org NB: Don't forget to include your postal address Visit also the archive of issues since 1994 - and see scanned earlier ones of the first ten years (this part is still under construction) http://israelipalestinianpeace.org ----------------------------------------------- THE OTHER ISRAEL pob 2542, Holon 58125, Israel ph/fx: +972-3-5565804 - otherisr@actcom.co.il ----------------------------------------------- |
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